Key is specific to a lock, Self-validation role of a message for brain washing, Communism can rise like a phoenix. Ad-analysis through semiology.

Key is specific to a lock, Self-validation role of a message for brain washing, Communism can rise like a phoenix. Ad-analysis through semiology. By Dr. Sohail Ansari

Conceived and worded by DR Sohail Ansari (originality of concepts and originality of words).

He believes that there can never be a zero scope for improvement and appreciates criticism if it is not for the sake of criticism

·       Almost every leader who claims to be a leader in his own right has hitched a free ride on the rising star of now has-been.

·       I am not afraid of anyone and everyone except me knows it.

Wise man beyond age is either an old man in young age or never old in any age.

Allowance of protest suggests either the will to listen for a response or to make listening a substitute for a response.

Key is specific to a lock: perpetual conundrum of research  

·       Question is like a key and a key is specific to a lock. Answers are predetermined by questions; and questions are determined by the problems one encounters in his exploration of a certain phenomenon. Definitive answers are claimed to be a way to close the book on all the questions about a certain phenomenon. Definitive answers may fail to do so because researcher may have the specific area of concern so he had specific problems to surmount, therefore the questions of his were inevitably be too narrow and thus failed to capture the breadth of a phenomenon. Researcher captured the each aspect he encountered comprehensively, but aspects he encountered were not all aspects; whole part of a few was explored not the whole part of all aspects.

Definitive answers are claimed to be a way to close the book on a few questions about a certain phenomenon. Definitive answers may fail to do so because researcher dealt with all aspects regarding those few questions, but failed to capture each (or all) aspect comprehensively; he captured the breadth of his concerned aspects partially or failed to capture it fully; A few part of each part not the whole part of each part he succeeded to explore.

Self-validation role of a message for brain washing   

·       Sophisticated humans have supine attitude to different even opposite ideas; enlightened moderate have the high threshold and cannot be the rabid fanatics; generally indifferent to rabble-rousing they are ‘fanatically unfit to provocation’. Political marketing consultants apply the additional role of variables to produce individuals of summary judgment; individuals of knee-jerk reactions; individuals excellent at filtering unwanted messages as mere nonsense or threat to the rationality of one’s own belief and the danger to the ‘peace of statuesque’.

These individuals are to be produced because such individuals can only be prone to sectarian violence and responsive at the desirable degree to jingoistic and chauvinistic messages. Scholars of Islam or pseudo-scholars present information or give verdict so that individuals can trust their thoughts in response to the self-validation role of a message; and can trust that their reactions to it are informative with respect to their attitude.

Communism can rise like a phoenix

·       ‘Inspiration humanist or autocratic, must lead to important changes not only in the theoretical assumptions of the original Marxian, but in its historical and philosophical perspective as well. The revolutionary character of our epoch stems from the impact of the industrial West on the economically backward countries, rather than from the capitalist fetters clamped on the productive forces in economically advanced states’ . Milieu industrial West has created is conducive to full flowering of productive potentials of working class. Marx simply freed productive forces from the fetters of ignorance that resulted in demand for the quid pro quo; as the protests to reciprocate toils grew shrill, West filled the gap between have and have nots by exploiting the economically backward countries. Communism is thought to be consigned comfortably to the dustbin of history can rise again like a phoenix if capitalists of the West do not cleanse themselves of predatory tendencies.

Ad-analysis through semiology

Format:         Leader/Party-Information Format

Campaign:    1988

Newspaper: Jung

From:             Muslim Democratic alliance

Analysis:

Every society has unique framework of interpretation; the way an individual or a culture identifies similarities and differences between persons in their milieu is the foundation on which the every day social intercourse is based’

 The process of societal judgment assumes an ‘identity matrix’__ a frame of reference for personality categories; though every society has its own identity matrix which is relative to its cultural setting, certain attributes_ like sagacity, perceptiveness, grit, enterprise, the integrity of character__ though it is interpreted in the light of that nation’s values__ enlightenment, unwavering loyalty to country, and initiative are universal features of leadership; but besides that there are certain attributes which are unique to every nation; every society has its own ‘Identity matrix of leader’ as Muslim cultural matrix identifies leader as the one who is compounded in equal parts of forbearance, altruism, sacrifice, broad-mindedness, magnanimity, graciousness and abstemiousness. People in Pakistan take these personality traits in rulers for granted; and get dismayed if they do not find expression, and shocked if reverse happens. This identity matrix of leader is appropriated in this ad. Ad underscores the absence of (required) traits by highlighting the parochialism, authoritarian streak, self serving nature, and libertinism of Bhutto.  

Relying heavily on text and visual representations a well-documented pictorial account of Bhutto’s rule from 1972-1977 make an attempt to establish the frame work to prove that Bhutto neither has leadership nor democratic credentials; A streak of cruelty (in Bhutto’s character) spared not even one of the founders (J.A Raheem) and proponent of PPP:  ‘I was almost made naked…’/ I was put into the Barrack of mad….’Ad casts doubts on democratic credentials of Bhutto: ‘Political opponents were subjected to tortures in Shahi Fort and Dalli Camp’

To further undermine democratic image of Bhutto; ad quote Amnesty International reportto give impression that Bhutto was not the leader for the people.

Declaration of Sindhi as the official language of province unleashed a storm of protest in the Urdu speaking segment of population; thousands went to march to register their opposition, but as quoted lines informs that they were not allowed to exercise unmolested their democratic rights in the Bhutto’s Pakistan.  .

‘The supporters of Urdu in Karachi were man handled; 100 were injured and curfew was clamped’ .This information connotatively paints Bhutto as Sindhi chauvinist, and then urges subliminally to Urdu speaking to vote against PPP; while violence in Sindh is mentioned to allude that popularity of Bhutto and of PPP was the direct outcome of playing on the fear which had engulfed Pakistan after the secession of East Pakistan.

               

Ad quotes Wali Khan:

            ‘PPP is responsible for the massacre in Sindh’

And Malik Qasim

            ‘PPP fanned the racism itself’

At denotative level these quotings hold Bhutto and PPP responsible for violence; but at connotative level it tells much more significant: The fear of domino effect was exploited to manipulate voters numbed by the tragedy of 1971 in order to maintain popularity in remaining Pakistan.

Here ad applies political code, one must know that critics charge Bhutto with exploiting the fear of Bengali dominance to win by landslide in West Pakistan; first, ad draws heavily on the perception regarding Bhutto as the demagogue_, who had not climbed upon the political leader by serving people; but had been catapulted into prominence by playing with emotions rather than with reasons__ and, then, by quoting Wali Khan tries to prove, connotatively, that he could only maintain his popularity through lashing people into a state of panic.

After that ad, directs itself to puncturing certain ‘hyped up claims’ hitherto been touted for votes:

Seven years of Bhutto was the democratic intervals in the long tradition of authoritarianism.

The only mainstream party that straddles all provinces (which was given one additional meaning in the backdrop of 1971 tragedy: the integrity of the rest of Pakistan can only be preserved by PPP.

Ad charges PPP with tapping into the apprehension of a chain reaction, first, by inciting the violence during 1972 (the early period of Bhutto’s tenure) by stimulating the East Pakistan situation in the province of Sindh and waking up the memories if familiar bogies of foreign intervention and  centrifugal activities in order to get, on the one hand, a bargaining chip in dealing with Army _ a permanent fixture in the Pakistan’s politics but quite demoralized after the surrender in East Paksitan__ and on the other hand to exploit the particular brand of anti-migrant xenophobia which had reared its ugly head in the strong hold of PPP:

‘The shops of non Sindhis were torched after being plundered in LarKana’ to attract a startling support in Punjab. Thus, the ad attempts, connotatively, to debunk the myth of PPP’s popularity which as quoting implies is consequent upon exploiting the psychology by promoting the fear amounted to emotional blackmail. Violence burst into a tremendous conflagration in 1972, and then, doused to give a meaning to the claim that PPP is the only party which can hold violence reined in; thus enabling Bhutto to project PPP as the personification of buffer against the spiral of centrifugal tendencies; and to himself as the great political fixer_ the only politicians who can help Pakistan find its way out of the post-1971 political morass. 

Survivors of ordeal are always haunted by nagging trepidation; traumatic suffering bulk large in their thinking, creating a mental video tape which continue to play over again and again; but as the time is the great healer; so the long intervening years of Zia’s rule might presumably have dulled the edges of grief, turning those excruciating memories into surrealistic vision; therefore, this ad administer shock therapy to replay the scene in the mind; the graphic description of ad would pattern the past images standing in isolation thus help sufferers to knit different skeins of thought into constructing_ with frightening vividness_ the memories of Bhutto and his rule.

The emotive language of ad, first, at denotative level, will activate dormant pain and reminds that Z.A Bhutto was the specter, and at connotatively level it rings the alarm bell: Benazir as the daughter of Z.A Bhutto, is the reincarnated spirit of his brutalities, and returning of her in power is returning of specter, and if one does not want the rerun of past; if one does not want to relive the trauma he underwent during 1970-1977; he should elect Islamic Democratic alliance.

As the sublimity of the subjective impressions of artists cannot be appreciated, if they are not externalized into canvass; the credibility will elude charges if there is visible dichotomy between charge that ‘this or that politician nurtures seditious feelings’ and the external action of politicians. This is the case with most of the politicians in Pakistan that the alleged internal enmity of them failed to express externally to gain currency; therefore, levied charges remained most of the time apocryphal_ not susceptible of any proof.

‘If the Members of Parliament go to Dhaka their legs will be broken’

                ‘You are there, we are here’

                ‘Bangladesh and cake, and Bhutto’

When this ad slams Bhutto for treasonable offence; this charge does not seem to be the usual mud-slinging because it is backed by the external action of Bhutto.

Text duplicates the visual in order to integrate it with textual material; it guides the interpretation of visual imagery, and links it with the Bhutto’s rule. This ad is mainly targeted to specific groups rather with diffuse, broadly based general audiences, and speaks to targeted groups in the language they will respond to. Apparently, most of the meaning is generated through a process of denotation; seemingly, message contains only one level of meaning: what it says explicitly on the surface, and can easily be followed; but ad does apply the multiple codes; and much of the significance lies in what it says implicitly below the surface. Text and visual at the denotative level, tell the audience that what they see are the ‘gifts’ of the brutal Bhutto’s rule; at connotative level it highlights the peculiarity of violence that typifies the Bhutto’s era; and urges people to ‘bury that period for good’ by electing Islamic democratic alliance on 16^th November.

Selection through election makes the system democratic, however, it is one part of equation, and the other is the surrendering for accountability of the elected at the bar of those who have elected him. Press the fourth estate, represent the demos, stands for their rights and an emblem of their freedom, shackling it amounts to shackling of people. 

Press as an indispensable vehicle of airing and ventilating public grievances if gagged and muzzled, then ruler has acquired immunity to criticism __ which is the natural corollary of ruthless suppression,__ therefore, title of dictator has to be conferred upon him regardless of his selection through election.

Ad at connotative level highlights the hollowness of democracy existed in that era.

‘1963 ordinance remained in full force throughout Bhutto’s reign’

     ‘Bhutto refused to entertain the demand to lift emergency’

 ‘Urdu digest’ ‘Jindgi’ and ‘Punjab Punch’ were suspended.

Governments in Pakistan, without exception, have breached the trust of very people they parade themselves to be guardian, the system perpetuated and thrived itself since inception by trampling on basic human rights, feeding on the random and indiscriminate violence perpetrated by the over developed state apparatus__ a juggernaut always at the service of rulers, who never failed to prove less than a scourge for the dissenters and rulers never balked at applying it brazenly to pulverize any sort of opposition.

This ad is the snap-shot of life in Bhutto’s Pakistan. Apparently he did nothing except conforming to the long-approved iron-fisted policy of government; does not it seem unfair to pass strictures on his rule, which would otherwise, be an anomaly with out violence? Here ad applies political, religious and culture code; one must know that in Pakistan there has always been a fine line between ‘acceptable violence’ and ‘unacceptable violence’_ rampaging style of Bhutto’s government paid no heed to such niceties and drifted into forbidden territory by trodding over fine line; thus hitting a tripwire of a social and political minified. The strong arm tactics of his time had distinctive stamp ‘ a brand image’ which made it peculiar to Bhutto’s rule; the rule where ‘acceptable violence’ shaded into ‘unacceptable one’ and took on a sacrilegious hue.In Pakistan the sanctity of woman is inviolable, and had been respected by all rulers; but during Bhutto’s rule it was violated.Ad gives example of this shading:

     ‘Samna bad Lahore the two girls are kidnapped in broad day light’

    ‘The workers of PPP unveiled the women’

It was the cauldron of religious emotions which took on political connotations, as the picture of 9 April 1977 portrays a woman besieged by police. Text states: ‘Violating the dignity of woman was the norm of that era; alien values were being grafted onto an indigenous one; it touched off a women outcry; which was brutally squashed by Nuth force’.

Regimes sink into the depths of brutalization in response to demonstration; but time honored bounds of decency are rarely transgressed as the pictures depicting students made naked reflects.

Throughout Muslim history there has always been an air of sacrosance around Ulmmas; though a degree of acceptability was granted to severe punishments to the Ulmmas meted out by Ommeyades, Abbassides, and Mugal dynasties, ranging from deportation to psychical torture. Torturing of Ulmmas along the historical continuum took shocking turn during Bhutto rule:

     ‘Making them naked and forcing naked prostitute into their cell’Ad’s mentioning of: ‘discretion of mosque’ intended to highlight the distinction between acceptable and unacceptable violence.

Islamic Democratic Alliance which had made fetish of Zia had never been embarrassed at he mentioning of Zia’s quelling of Mr D movement; because quelling had been done in an acceptable way. Nusrat Bhutto had been beaten; but every society has exclusive ‘moral calculus’ so has Pakistani society _ which determines that when state has the right to rise up and hit back; and according to it this brutalities are justified against the woman who is leading to eject ruler form office; therefore; this should not be confused with the torturing of ladies protesting against de-Islamizing of country. Ad paints that:

At the era of Bhutto, the retrospect of Pakistani history exhibits, as in the such as had hitherto defied comprehensive description of it, and left since that a strange political configurations_ an alliance of military and right wing parties_ and public appreciative of military rule. Partly it was the massacre and hideous suppression, but largely it was the breaking of taboos which turned the Pakistan into a tinderbox of passions, creating flash points in large cities: what ever happened during Bhutto’s rule would always occupy a special place in the pantheon of anti-PPP myths, a kind of Camelot that has created the cataract of ads, slogans and stories of that period and these will continue to appear a long period to come. This ad sounds like mythical swan song_ when played swans dance out in a line in ‘Swan Lake’_ the strong resonance of it renders it galvanic enough (for particular voters)  to make people into queues at voting booths.               

POSITIVES AND NEGATIVES:

There is no grammatical mistake nor there any inconsistency. However, ad mentions five names: Jang; Nawi-a-Waqat; Amroaz; Mashrik; Jandgi to give an impression that they will be quoted for reference; but Mashriq and Jang are not quoted. Azad is quoted but not mentioned; furthermore, there are some pictures and headings without any reference; for example: the pictures of students made naked in broad day light’ ‘Victims of the bullets of Bhuttism’ or ‘desecration of mosque’; ‘Shahi Camp’.

Notwithstanding, the part of the last sentence “Bury that disgraceful\shameful era for good’ marries harmoniously with content of ad; it is a bit watered-down which makes it looks wishy-washy. The ad could have capitalized on its recreation of the past; as its impressive raking up must have enabled large number of people to dredge up memories; therefore the line:

‘Do you wish to resurrect the past? If not, vote for Islamic democratic alliance’ would be far more potent.