Assignment (1). For the students of University (SBBU)

Research Article: Semantic analysis of the practice of composing books among Arabs during Prophet (P.B.U.H) The purpose of research is to expand, deepen or to create new knowledge. It can be all in three as well.

The Quran as orientalists or people like Tariq Fatah say written after the demise of Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H); implied in assertion is the insinuation that either claim about the Quran as the revealed commandants does not withstand logical scrutiny or revelation must been interpolated as composition was not made under the supervision of prophet.

Below are the research material/articles to combat these insinuations head-on.

You are to expand to in other words to add another dimension to existing research: Do semantic analysis of the practice of writing a book in the Arab culture.

Below is the material to help you with semantic analysis

Semantics Examples

Multiple Meanings

Semantics is the study of meaning in language. It can be applied to entire texts or to single words. For example, "destination" and "last stop" technically mean the same thing, but students of semantics analyze their subtle shades of meaning.

One part of studying a language is knowing the many meanings of individual words. Here are some examples of words with more than one meaning:

·         A water pill at first glance could be a pill with water in it; but, it is understood to be a diuretic that causes a person to lose water from his body.

·         Crash can mean auto accident, a drop in the Stock Market, to attend a party without being invited, ocean waves hitting the shore or the sound of a cymbals being struck together.

·         A child’s alphabet block could be described as a wooden cube, learning aid, toy or block.

·         Some see the glass half empty and others see the glass half full.

·         A flowering plant could be referred to as a weed or a garden flower.

·         One man’s trash is another man’s treasure.

·         Paying a child for chores may be considered a bribe or simply incentive.

·         A human can be referred to as a male, female, child, adult, baby, bachelor, father or mother.

The basic study of semantics is oriented to the examination of the meaning of signs, and the study of relations between different linguistic units and compounds: homonymy, synonymy, antonymy, hypernymy, hyponymy, meronymy, metonymy, holonymy, paronyms.

There are seven types of meaning in Semantics; conceptual, connotative, stylistic, affective, reflected, collectives and thematic meaning. This study focuses on only two of the types of meaning: conceptual meaning and connotative meaning. Conceptual meaning means logical, cognitive, or denotative content.

Hint:

In the similar way one practice has many meanings, it may connote bravery in one culture and foolishness in other.

You are to do Semantic analysis of one/same practices in different context or in different times so to analyze difference in its meaning; for example:

Memorization in Arab culture (Memorization is same in but culture attaches different meaning to it.)

Orientalism and Islamic philosophy

Orientalism is the concept that there is something very special and different about the thought of those living in the East, which can be discovered through the methods of scholarship current in the West. It is a reflection of the relationship of imperial and intellectual domination of a West which feels it is superior to an 'inferior' East. This often results in an understanding of Islamic philosophy which sees the latter as essentially unoriginal, derivative and of only historical interest. While orientalists have produced interesting and important work, most fail to appreciate the independent status of the material which they analyse.

1. The notion of Orientalism

2. Orientalism as a political doctrine

3. The Orientalist approach to Islam

4. Orientalism and Islamic philosophy

1. The notion of Orientalism

Orientalism is the branch of scholarship that uses traditional Western methods as a means of understanding and gathering knowledge pertaining to the Orient. The term was also used by Edward Said (1978) to elucidate his own challenge to the validity of such methods.
On the one hand, Orientalism has given us much of what we know about the Oriental world at large. Late nineteenth-century authors are especially worthy of consideration for their contributions to an understanding of foreign cultures and peoples. On the other hand, however, several problems arise from the attitudes and methods used in traditional Orientalist discourse, which in turn has had an impact - often negative - upon Western consciousness. This influences and distorts the framework through which the West approaches the Orient in general and Islam in particular.
The Orient encompasses a far greater area than simply that of the Arabs and the Muslim community; exotic images from India, China, Japan and Korea are conjured up in the minds of Western people when they think of the Orient. However, Orientalism has had a particular impact on the study and understanding of Islamic philosophy. Many scholars' understanding of Islamic philosophy is, 'that Islamic civilization as we know it would simply not have existed without the Greek heritage' (Rosenthal 1975: 14).

2. Orientalism as a political doctrine

Orientalism has several different but interrelated meanings. In its general sense, it describes the way in which the West looks at the Orient in order to understand it within the context of Western experience. More specifically, Orientalism is a categorical approach by Western scholars as an attempt to form a collective body of knowledge about the Orient. Included in this enterprise is the study of Eastern philosophies, history, religion, culture, language and social structures. To understand the effect of Orientalism on Islamic philosophy, however, we need first to understand it as a political doctrine; from its inception, Orientalism was primarily political and secondarily cultural and philosophical.
Orientalism as a system of the knowledge began in the late seventeenth century, reaching its zenith in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this period Britain and France, and later the USA, were involved in the struggle for Western domination. This Anglo-French-American experience was essentially imperialistic. Implicit in the Orientalist attitude, therefore, is the belief that the Orient had passed its golden age as the West was being 'born', and was thus in decline. This view of the Orient as backward and barbaric led to interpretations which resembled more closely what scholars wished to believe, rather than what actually was the case. In philosophy, this attitude led to the belief that the entire system of Islamic philosophy was based upon the Greek inheritance; this in turn led to the belief that Islamic philosophers were not good Muslims, as philosophy and religion apparently could not be reconciled.
Along with this attitude, Orientalism also played an active role in advancing Western interests in the East. The pursuit of knowledge of the Orient was often not an end in itself. The study of Islamic philosophy merely confirmed many Western scholars in their belief of the superiority of their own culture.

3. The Orientalist approach to Islam

From the beginning, Orientalists have viewed Islam in two ways. First, as it had borrowed liberally from Abrahamic (Judaeo-Christian) traditions, Islam was considered to be a crude parody of Christianity. Second, Islam was looked upon as an alien menace which historically had enormous military and political success throughout the world, and consequently was a threat to Western civilization.
In Orientalism, Islam first had to be placed within the realm of Western understanding with respect to Christian concepts rather than regarded on its own terms. One way of accomplishing this was to make analogies between Christian religions and Islam. The obvious parallel is the one which some Orientalists draw between Muhammad and Christ. Since Christ is central to the Christian faith, Westerners assumed that Muhammad holds the same place in Islam. This misconception helped to popularize the use of the name 'Mohammedanism', a term highly offensive to Muslims. The Christ analogy also served to reinforce the notion that Muhammad was nothing more than an 'impostor' and a pale version of the Christian Messiah.
Islam also provided a provocation to the West in another respect. From the time of the Arab conquests in the seventh century to the ascendancy of the Ottoman Empire, Islam itself posed a formidable challenge to the Christian world. Islamic empires - Arab, Ottoman or those in Spain and North Africa - had quite effectively challenged and, at least for short periods of time, dominated Christian Europe.

4. Orientalism and Islamic philosophy

The first wave of Muslim conquest in ad 632- 4 secured for the Arab Muslims the strongly Hellenized territories of Syria and Egypt along with the western part of the Sassanian Persian empire. At first the new conquerors may have been suspicious about the culture of classical antiquity, as both religion and language separated the Arab Muslims from the vanquished peoples. However, the former overcame their anxiety remarkably quickly and began instead a cultural conquest and assimilation of ancient knowledge.
Philosophers such as Ibn Sina, al-Kindi, al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd all interpreted the Islamic inheritance of classical philosophy and attempted an assimilation of it into mainstream Islam in their writings (see Aristotelianism in Islamic philosophy; Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy; Platonism in Islamic philosophy). The classification of the sciences, in encyclopedic proportions, was carried out by the likes of al-Khwarizmi in his Mafatih al-'ulum, and by a group of scholars in the ninth and tenth centuries who called themselves the 'Brethren of Purity' (Ikhwan al-Safa'). The attitude of these and other philosophers was one of acceptance and the transferring of intellectual history, rather than an adoption of so-called 'foreign' ideas. Many of these ideas were foreign indeed, as we do not see any mention of them in the Qur'an and earlier traditional works, but the underlying theme was the gaining and spread of knowledge, 'ilm. Gaining of knowledge is obligatory according to the tradition of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, who said: 'Seeking knowledge ('ilm) is obligatory upon all Muslims, men and women.'
This approach is clearly brought out in the epistles of the Ikhwan al-Safa' (see Ikhwan al-Safa'). During a lengthy debate in these epistles, between humans and animals in the court of the king of the jinn, examples from history are given in which the conquering nations took over, translated into their language and made their own the knowledge of vanquished peoples. Solomon is cited as a classic example:
Our sciences and the sciences of all the nations are [acquired] one from the other. If this was not the case, from where did the Persians get astrology, astronomy and observatories? Did not they take it from the Indians? If it was not for Solomon, where did the Israelites get the sciences.... He took it from the kings of all nations when he conquered their territories and transformed them to Hebrew...

(Rasa'il Ikhwan al-Safa' 2: 288)

This transcendental open-mindedness has been misrepresented many times by Western scholars, who are more interested in finding something new in the Islamic sciences than in attempting to understand the transmission of the corpus of human knowledge from one people to another. The Orientalist outlook mentioned above appears clearly when scholars such as Walzer and Rosenthal expend much effort in finding faults within the Islamic philosophical system, rather than using their impressive abilities to develop a better understanding of the amalgamation and legacy that has been left by the Islamic philosophers. In Walzer's important work, Greek into Arabic (Walzer 1962), the attitude is that everything the Arab philosophers had to say was 'borrowed' from the Greeks. Even when we are not able to find the source, according to Walzer, it can be assumed safely that the original Greek source is no longer extant.
This imaginary dichotomy between philosophy and theology, as assumed by the Orientalists, has led to a severe crippling of the understanding of the achievements of the Islamic philosophers. This attitude itself has its roots in the initial reaction to the impact of Greek philosophy upon Christianity. Orientalist scholars assume that the Muslims felt exactly the same as the early Christians did about the conflict between philosophy and theology. Of course there were debates between Islamic philosophers and theologians, but in the Arab and Islamic milieu the attitude was rather different from that in the Christian world; in the former, the philosophers were simply taking what they assumed was their legitimate inheritance from the corpus of human knowledge.
In conclusion, these notions about the Orient eventually 'created' the Orient. The 'Orient' (East) is, in fact, only East from an European perspective: it is a relative, not absolute, term. More precisely, the 'Orient' is whatever the Orientalists say it is: it is a series of abstractions based upon Western-generated ideas rather than upon Oriental realities. Islamic philosophy needs to be studied as more than just a reflection of Greek ideas; it needs to be considered as an area of thought which came into contact with a variety of different cultures, and which developed out of these and out of a meditation on the Islamic sciences themselves into an independent and original form of philosophical thought.
See also: Greek philosophy: impact on Islamic philosophy; Illuminationist philosophy; Islam, concept of philosophy in; Islamic philosophy, modern; Islamic theology; Mystical philosophy in Islam

UBAI NOORUDDIN
Copyright © 1998, Routledge.

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References and further reading

Corbin, H. (1993) History of Islamic Philosophy, trans. L. Sherrard, London: Kegan Paul International. (One of the very few approaches to Islamic philosophy which is not especially orientalist.)

* Ikhwan al-Safa' (1956) Rasa'il Ikhwan al-Safa' (Epistles of the Brethren of Purity), Cairo. (The letters of the Brethren of Purity, which provide evidence of their 'humanistic' views.)

Jalal al-Azm, S. (1982) 'Orientalism and Orientalism in Reverse', Khamsin 8: 5-27. (Interesting description of how some Islamic writers go in for Orientalism in reverse, arguing that only Muslims can understand Islamic culture.)

Leaman, O. (1996) 'Orientalism and Islamic Philosophy', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, 1143-8. (A critique of persistent Orientalist attitudes to the study of Islamic philosophy.)

* Rosenthal, F. (1975) The Classical Heritage in Islam, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. (Useful account of the links between the classical world and Islam.)

* Said, E. (1978) Orientalism, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. (A key work on the subject of Orientalism by the writer who really started the controversy.)

* Walzer, R. (1962) Greek into Arabic, Oxford: Cassirer. (Excellent on the links between Greek culture and Islamic philosophy.)

What is orientalism according to Edward Said?

"Orientalism” is a way of seeing that imagines, emphasizes, exaggerates and distorts differences of Arab peoples and cultures as compared to that of Europe and the U.S. It often involves seeing Arab culture as exotic, backward, uncivilized, and at times dangerous.

Conceptual semantics is a framework for semantic canalysis developed mainly by Ray Jackendoff in 1976. Its aim is to provide a characterization of the conceptual elements by which a person understands words and sentences, and thus to provide an explanatory semantic representation (title of a Jackendoff 1976 paper).

Orientalists on Quran: A Critical study

Hafsa Nasreen∗∗ Dr. Hafsa Nasreen, Senior Editor & Assistant Professor, Department of Urdu Encyclopedia of Islam, University of the Punjab, Lahore. Email: dr.hafsa105@gmail.com

 

" Orientalists have refused to acknowledge the Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. as the seal of Prophets and the last messenger of Allah Almighty. As they know that Qur'an is base of Islamic faith, so they are trying their level's best to dislodge the citadel of Islamic faith i.e. Qur’an. For this purpose they have directed all their efforts to prove it a human-authored book and consequently Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. as a false Prophet. In this article we have tried to reject the objections of Western in the light of authentic historical sources.

Orientalists Western scholars have keen interest in Qur’anic studies. The growing group of orientalists is publishing books, conducting conferences and presenting research papers to prove the Qur’an a purely human book. Arthur Jeffery, an American-Australian orientalist, known as authority on Qur’anic studies by Western Scholars, says:

 “The scripture of no other community, not even the old Testament among the Jews, has had quite the same influence on the life of the community as the Qur’an has had in Islam.”

Richard C. Martin in his Introducing Islam says that as Qur’an is very important for Muslims so we have to read it carefully if we want to challenge Muslims and to compete Islam.

 Bodley argues that Qur’an is the base to understand the mind of Muhammad p.b.u.h.

 Dr. Fazal arRahman, regretfully comments on the Western study of the Qur’an as:

“Unfortunately, the treatment of the Judeo-Christian antecedents of the Qur’an has aften been contaminated by the far too obvious desire of its proponents to prove that the Qur’an is no more than an echo of Judaism (or Christianity) and Muhammad (PBUH) no more than a Jewish (or Christian) disciple!”

 So they [orientalists] have done a detailed research in Qur’anic sciences and consequently raised several objections.

A brief sketch of these objections with a critical study is being given here:

Almost all orientalists are of the view that the revelation of Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. was only on oral basis. He himself had not thought to compose it in book shape.

 He did not order to write the Qur’an nor he managed to save it in written form. Some of his companions made their private codices on behalf of material which they had obtained from prophet p.b.u.h.

 It was not put together in written form until well after Muhammad's death.

 During Muhammad's lifetime verses were written on palm-leaves, stones and any material that came to hand. Their collection was completed during the caliphate of ‘Umar r.a. the second Caliph and an authorized version was established during the caliphate of ‘Uthman r.a.

 Almost all orientalists are of the same view. Jeffery said that Uthman r.a. omitted various parts of Qur’an during its final editing he also added some material in it for his political purposes.

According to orientalists the version of Qur’an now we possess is not the text compiled by Zayd r.a. With the passage of time various corruptions occurred in the text. We can find numerous mistakes made by the copyists.

For example: James A. Bellamy in his “Some Proposed Emendations to the Text of The Koran” gave several examples of this hypothesis as:

Hasab occurred in 21:98 is a mistake of copyist. According to James the original word is hatab.

 He also mentioned Ummah, Abb, Sijjil, hittah, surhunna, Sabun minal-mathani, tamanna, Illa amaniya, sibghat Allah, ashab al-aaraf are wrongly cited by copyiest.10

The Qur’an had been compiled during the life of prophet p.b.u.h. A brief history of the compilation of Qur’an is being given here.

 Compilation of the Qur’an in the Life of Prophet (PBUH) Allah Almighty says in Sura al-Furqan

“Yet they say: Fables of ancient times which have caused to be written down, so that they might be read out to him at morning and evening.”11 al-Furqan is a Makkan Sura.

The words (he has caused to be written down) are a sufficient proof of Jama al-Qur’an in writing since its very beginning. It was accepted by the contemporaries of Prophet as we have seen in the above mentioned verse. So it is clear that the prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. had scribes whom he ordered to write down the

Revelation of the Qur’an on materials available at time. Whenever the prophet p.b.u.h. received a verse or verses, he commanded one of his scribes immediately to write down the revelation and arrange it on its place in Suras of Qur’an.

 Several traditions support this view, that every revealed verse was written down immediately then it was put in a pre-ordained order and kept in a safe place.

 Some scribes were assigned permanently to write down the revelation, being given the title of katibin al-Wahi. Whereas some scribes were called to write down revelations occasionally.

 Many scholars tried to count the number of scribes by using the sources. Ibn Kathir count the number of scribes twenty-two16, and as a general opinion it is accepted that the number of scribes exceed to 40. Most famous scribes are Uthman r.a., Ali, Ubai b. Kab, Zayd b. Thabit r.a..17 Later was known as Katib an Nabi and Katib al-Wahi.

 Bukhari narrates: “Narrated al-Bara: There was revealed: laa yastawi alqaiduna…” The Prophet said: “Call Zayd for me and let him bring the board, the inkpot and the scapula bone (or the scapula bone and the inkpot). Then he said: write: la yastawi.”

 It is also reported that material upon which the revelation had been written down was kept in the house of prophet p.b.u.h.

 To ensure that the Qur’an would not be confused with his own utterances, the prophet p.b.u.h. is reported to have ordered his companions to write nothing except the Qur’an and who have written down anything other than Qur’an erase it. As a result the entire revelation is said to have been gradually secured, kept in written form in a pre-ordained order and stored in the prophet's house. The Prophet permitted to a number of companions to have their own copies of Qur’an (in form of fragments) in addition to memorizing Qur’an. The most famous among them, who are said to have taught many others are the following: Uthman, Ali, Ubai b. Kaab, Abu adDarda, Zayd b. Thabit, Abd Allah b. Masud, Abu Musa al-Ashari, Salim (the maula of Hudhayfa), and Muaadh b. Jabal r.a.

 Thus the Qur’an was memorized by many companions and was all written down in the form that has came down to us (i.e., the same verses and as in the very same order. It is clear now that whole Qur’an was written down in the life of prophet p.b.u.h. It was safe and secure not only in written form but orally also.

Dr. Hamidullah says: “It was the custom of the Prophet (PHUH) that immediately after dictating he would ask his companions to memorize the text and repeat it daily during the two prayers – at that time only two prayer were ordained.

 It was only after the Ascension that five prayers became obligatory and people began to repeat the verses of the Qur’an Five times during their daily prayers. Indeed, it was the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) who, for the first time, ordered the memorizing, together with the writing of the scripture, i.e. the Qur’an.”

 The allegation of orientalists that the prophet himself had no idea to write down a book or to save the revelation is entirely baseless. The verse mentioned above proves it. The verse goes as:

“He caused to be written down, so that they might be read out to him at morning and evening.”

There is no ambiguity now that what has been written by the scribes it was read out to Prophet p.b.u.h. A hadith also supports this fact:

 “The Prophet has disallowed the carrying along of the Qur’an in enemy’s land…”

 Some other historical evidences shed light on the written form of Qur’an are:

 The well known report about Umar r.a. conversion shows that large passages of the revelation had already been written down even at a very early time, in Makka, long before hijra.

 Another report informs us that when people came from Madina to learn about Islam, they were provided with copies of the Surahs of Qur’an, to read and learn them by heart.

 More over during his last pilgrimage, at the sermon to the large gathering of Muslims, the Prophet said:

“I have left with you something which if you will hold fast to it you will never fall into error – a plain indication, the book of God, and the practice of his Prophet.”

 The word indicates toward a written document. So the hypothesis of orientalists that Qur’an was not saved in written form and that is was written 50 years later than the death of Prophet has no basis at all. Interestingly, the most celebrated orientalist William Muir attests that the Qur’an was written down and was secured in the life of Prophet p.b.u.h.

 Compilation of the Qur’an during the reign of Abu Bakr (R.A) The Companions and their followers relied on memorizing the Qur’an. In addition, they had their personal manuscripts.

 Although the Qur’an was completed in the life of Muhammad p.b.u.h. But it was not bound in a book shape. People have the copies of Qur’an and they did not face any problem in this respect.

In 12 A.H, when seventy of Huffaz were killed in Yamama's battle fighting against Musaylma. Forty huffaz, and possibly seventy, had been killed earlier in the battle of Bir Mauna. ‘Umar r.a. got worried and he came to Abu Bakr (R.A) with the suggestion that the Qur’an should be compiled in a single book as a safeguard against the loss of some parts of the records or the death of the Huffaz.33

Abu Bakr r.a. hesitated to do so but after a while he took the matter carefully and agreed with ‘Umar r.a. He called Zayd b. Thabit r.a. because he was the well-known scribe of Prophet and Hafiz of the Qur’an, he had checked through the text with the Prophet p.b.u.h. after the Prophet p.b.u.h. had recited it in presence of Jibrail a.s.; he was skilled at writing the Qur’an.

 Bukhari quoted the tradition of this compilation:

Zayd was afraid of carrying out this task because he felt that he could not do something that the Prophet had not ordered him to do.

Abu Bakr r.a. finally persuaded him, and he started the work by comparing the Prophet's record with the memorized and written versions of those of the Huffaz who were available in Madina. He then wrote out the entire text in book form and presented the mushaf to Abu Bakr r.a. The mushaf remained with Abu Bakr r.a. until he died, then with Umar r.a. until the end of his life, and then with Hafsa r.a., the daughter of Umar r.a. and the wife of the Prophet, who was the executor for her father, and was herself a Hafiza.

 This was because ‘Umar r.a. had died before the final nomination of the third caliph. At this time disputes arose about the reading of the Qur’an among the Qurra (i.e., readers) because some of the Companions and the followers were teaching students in the cities they were sent to in versions that differed in various ways, and also because the Companions were reciting the Qur’an in the seven ahruf they were permitted to use. Compilation of Qur’an during the reign of Uthman r.a. By the time of Uthman r.a., disputes among the readers became so heated that they were accusing each other of unbelief (kufr). Many complaints were brought before Uthman r.a., urging him to take action to avert fighting and division among the Muslims. Such disputes occurred in many places: Madina to Kufa, Basra, Syria, and the military camps (ajnad). Hudhayfa b. al Yaman was in the battle zones of Armenia and Azerbaijan and witnessed these disputes among Muslims. He got annoyed and hastened to Madina to suggest to Uthman r.a. a unified reading of the Qur’an. He addressed him saying: “O Chief of the Believers! Save this Umma before they differ about the Book as the Jews and the Christians did before".

 Consequently, Uthman r.a. called the Muhajirun and Ansar for consultation. All of them agreed and encouraged him to unify the reading of the Qur’an. Bukhari narrated further actions as: “Uthman r.a. sent a message to Hafsa saying Send us the manuscript of the Qur’an, so that we may compile the Qur’anic materials in perfect copies and return the manuscript to you. Hafsa sent the manuscript to Uthman r.a. Uthman r.a. then ordered Zayd b. Thabit, Abd Allah Ibn  Zubayr, Said bin al Aa, and Abd ar Rahman bin Harith b. Hisham r.a. to write the manuscripts in perfect copies. Uthman r.a. said to the Qurayshi men, If you disagree with Zayd b. Thabit on any point in the Qur’an, write it in the dialect (lisan) of Quraysh as the Qur’an was revealed in their tongue. They did so and when they had written many copies, Uthman r.a. returned the original manuscript to Hafsa r.a. To every Muslim region, Uthman r.a. sent one copy and ordered that all the other Qur’anic materials, whether whole of fragmentary manuscripts, be burnt.”

 The Companions, the learned men, and the leading figures agreed with Uthman r.a. and approved the decision he had made, including Ali r.a.. He is reported as having said: "…he did nothing without the consolation and consent of all Companions, and, furthermore, that if he were in Uthman's position he would have done the same thing."

 Ali r.a. is reported to have confronted those who rebelled against Uthman r.a. and said to them that Uthman r.a. burnt only the masahif that varied from the final revelation and preserved that which was agreed upon. In fact, Muslims in general admired Uthman's action and agreed to it unanimously (with exception of Ibn Masud) because Uthman r.a. united them on one mushaf, cleansed from any abrogated versions, and freed it from any aahaad reading or any interpretation that may have been added to the text.41 Only Ibn Masud r.a. is reported to be angry with this action of Uthman r.a.. It is said that he refused to give his mushaf back to Uthman r.a. to be burnt and to have told his students to do the same.

 Some reasons of his behaviour are mentioned by scholars as follows: “Ibn Masud is said to have felt ignored or insulted when he was not asked to join the committee set up to compile the Qur’an. He is quoted as having said that he had been taught seventy Suras by the Prophet p.b.u.h., while Zayd b. Thabit was a young boy playing with children.”

 The reason Uthman r.a. did not include Ibn Masud is discussed by al Asqalani, who points out that Ibn Masud was not in Madina at the time when Uthman r.a. urgently appointed the committee. He was in Kufa. Furthermore, Uthman r.a. did nothing more than reproduce the pages compiled by the command of Abu Bakr into one mushaf. In the times of Abu Bakr and of Uthman, Zayd bin Thabit r.a. had the privilege of being the scribe in charge of compilation.” Historical evidences shed light on the fact that the general approval i.e. Ijma and confidence of the companions accorded the Uthmanic text. Companions followed in the particulars of Qur’anic recitation. All the material we find in commentaries and other books attributed to companions as their reading, has been preserved only because of its explanatory value or as a precious scholarly inheritance attributed to the most remarkable and respected figures of Islamic history. There is no doubt that sooner or later all the companions declared their approval to Uthmanic text, so variation or authenticity of Uthmanic text is only a hypothesis of orientalists. They have no authentic material to present as a proof of their so-called research.

 Furthermore, they say: As the Qur’an was compiled after the death of prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. So it is a patch work in which no chronological sequence has been followed by its editor Zayd b. Thabit r.a. Its chapters were arranged generally in order of length, longer Suras coming first and shortest last.

 Various orientalists like Noldeke, Grimme, Rodwell, and Bell made attempts to arrange the chapters in chronological order, but scholars are agreed that a strictly chronological arrangement is impossible without dissecting some of the chapters into scattered verses, owing to the inclusion of revelations spoken in Madina in chapters began very years earlier in Makka. According to their point of view the correct order of Suras can throw light on the evolution in prophet's career and consequently on his book.

 As far as, the arrangement of Suras in Qur’an is concerned it was maintained by the Prophet p.b.u.h. in accordance with revelation.  He himself took care of the actual arrangement of the revelation, when it was written down.  Zayd r.a. is reported to have said: "We used to compile the Qur’an from small screps in the presence of the Apostle".  Uthman r.a. said, that in later days, the Prophet used to, when something was revealed to him, call someone from among those who used to write for him and said: Place these Ayats in the Sura, in which this and this is mentioned and when (only) one Aya was revealed to him, he said place this Aya in the Sura in which this and this is mentioned. In accordance with some other reports we come to know that the proper arrangement of Suras was well known to the companions of prophet p.b.u.h. and they were not agree to tamper with it. Likewise some other Ahadith throw light on the order of suras since Prophet's time is: “Narrated Abu Huraira r.a.: The Prophet used to recite the following in the Fajr prayer of Friday: Alif Laam mim Tanzil (sajda) and Hal-ata ala Insani...(addahr)”

Another hadith is: “Abu Huraira said: God's messenger recited in both raka's of the dawn prayer Sura.” “Qul ya ayyuhal kafirun” and “Qul hu Allah hu ahad”51 The order of Suras and their arrangement was of course well known to the Muslims due to the daily recitation of the Qur’an in the prayers at the mosque of the prophet and at other places. All authorities state that the Prophet p.b.u.h. and his Companions recited Suras of the Qur’an in their order in and out of the prayers. In Madina, a delegation came to the Prophet and one in the group, Abu Aws, reported the Prophet as having said: "I did not want to come without completing the parts of the Qur’an I recite daily". They asked the Companions: How do you divide the Qur’an for the recitation? They replied: We divide them three Suras, five Suras, seven Suras, nine Suras, eleven Suras, thirteen Suras, and the part of alMufassal from Sura al-Qaf to the end.

 Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. himself did not know about the end of a Sura until the revelation confirms it. A hadith goes as: The basmala was a sign for the sealing of the Suras. “Ibn Abbas stated that “The Prophet did not know that a Sura had been sealed until the revelation came to him with In the name of Allah, most Gracious, most Merciful, when it was revealed he knew that the Sura was sealed”.

 The Qur’an present some evidences that the order and arrangement of Suras is in accordance with divine guidance. For instance: in sura Hud Allah almighty says: “Say [unto them] Produce, then, ten suras of similar merit, invent [by your self]”

 Sura Hud is eleventh sura of Qur’an. It comes on eleventh number after ten Suras. It is a proof of its divine arrangement. Likewise Allah almighty says: And all [kinds of] cattle have been made lawful to you [for sacrifice and food], save what is mentioned to you [as forbidden]. All the animal have been allowed in Qur’an to eat, mentioned in Qur’an are mentioned in al-Baqara, Maida, Anam. So there is no doubt that the order of Suras is tawqifi. Abu Bakr r.a. simply ordered the Qur’an to be rewritten and to be assembled in one place. Different writings were found in the house of the Prophet (peace be upon him) containing the Qur’an. These were arranged and tied together by a cord to ensure that none were lost.57 In the light of above, it is clear that compilation during the reign of Abu Bakr. r.a. and Uthman r.a. was not arranging of Suras. Baqilani says: The whole Qur’an, whose compilation and writing Allah commanded, excluding the abrogated verses, is what is contained in this Qtkgpvcnkuvu"qp"Swt)cp<"C"Etkvkecn"Uvwf{"""" Hafsa Nasreen The Dialogue 43 Volume VIII Number 1 mushaf (of Uthman r.a.). It is the same arrangement and style revealed to the Prophet in the very same manner of verses and Suras with no difference in word order, and the Umma has received from the Prophet the arrangement of every verse and Sura, and their places, as they have received the recitation of the Qur’an.

So the order of Suras in the Qur’an we have in hands is not a patch work as the orientalists claimed. Authentic historical sources throw light on the written and arranged Qur’an since the life of Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. Interestingly, orientalists have to concede that: a final arrangement of Suras is not possible yet. We would not have arrived at a final decision in this regard.

 Another allegation of orientalists is that a number of the companions of Muhammad p.b.u.h. had compiled their own codices of the text.

Most popular of them ascribed to Abd Allah b. Masud and Ubai b. Kab r.a. These private collections were basically consistent with each other in their general content, but a large number of variant readings, many seriously affecting the text, existed in all the manuscripts. Likewise number of Suras and their order were also differed each other.

 These recessions gradually disappeared after the authorization of Uthman's mushaf but several items of information regarding these private collection are given in Exegesis (Tafasirs) and in some other books.

If the text of Qur’an was revealed by Allah then how this difference and variation took place? The private collections and their variation proves the human origin of Qur’an.

Several companions of the Prophet p.b.u.h. had prepared their own written collections of revelations. The best known among these are attributed to Ibn Masud, Ubai b. Kab and Zayd b. Thabit. A list of other Companions of whom it is related that they had their own written collections included the following: ‘Umar, Ibn AzZubair, Abd Allah Ibn Amr, Ayesha, Salim, Umm Salma, Ubaid bin Umar r.a.

 It is also known that Ayesha and Hafsa r.a. had their own written copies of Qur’an after the Prophet had died.

 Orientalists have raised objections on these personal codices in regard of difference of order of Suras and variant Readings. Following is a brief description of the codices of Ibn Masud and Ubai b. Kab, as they are considered very important than other codices.

Codic of Ibn Masud r.a. Ibn Masud r.a. was one of the closest companions of prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h.. He is said to have prepared his own copy of Qur’an as he learned from the prophet. Ibn Nadim quoted that he had seen a copy of the Qur’an of Ibn Masud r.a. in which Sura 1,113,114 were not included. The following is the order attributed to Ibn Masud r.a. 2, 3, 4, 7, 6, 5, 10, 16, 11, 12, 17, 21, 23, 26, 37, 33, 28, 24, 8, 19, 29, 30, 36, 25, 22, 13, 34, 35, 14, 38, 47, 31, 35, 40, 43, 41, 46, 45, 44, 48, 57, 59, 32, 50, 65, 49, 67, 64, 63, 62, 61, 72, 71, 58, 60, 66, 55, 53, 51, 52, 54, 69, 56, 68, 79, 70, 73, 74, 83, 80, 76, 75, 77, 78, 81, 82, 88, 87, 92, 89, 85, 84, 96, 90, 93, 94, 86, 100, 107, 101, 98, 91, 95, 104, 106, 102, 97, 110, 108, 109, 111, 112.64

As far as the order of suras in the codex of Ibn Masud is concerned it was different from that of Mushaf al-Imam.

Probably Ibn Masud r.a. insisted to maitain the order of Suras as it was because he had learnt them from Prophet p.b.u.h. in the sequence adopted in his codic. But after a short while he agreed with Uthman r.a. and gave up his codex. He accepted the Mushaf prepared by Uthman r.a. so naturally he accepted the order of Suras as maintained by Uthman r.a. Now Hamaza, Asim, Kasai, and Khalf are said to follow the reading of Ibn Masud r.a. They recite whole Qur’an in its proper order. Moreover, this difference of order can be a mistake of copyiest. Jeffery also conceded that this list of Suras and its sequence could not be consider authentic one and we cannot rely upon this list for a final copy of codic of Ibn Masud r.a.

 Another objection on the codex of Ibn Masud r.a. is that Suras no: I, 113,114 were not included in this mushaf.

 The following views and interpretations have been brought to bear on the discussion: • One group of scholars considers the story untrue and fabricated. • Certain scholars maintain that Ibn Masud r.a. did not write those Suras because they were memorized by all Muslims, even the children. Thus there was no fear that they might be forgotten. Otherwise, as the author of Kitab al Mabani states, how could Ibn Masud r.a., with his wide knowledge, not be aware of the most famous, the most widely known, and the easiest Suras of the Qur’an. However, it is understandable, in his opinion, that Ibn Masud r.a. did not write the Fatiha, which could not be forgotten, because it is recited in all prayers and rakahs. The author of Kitab al Mabani states that Ibn Masud may have omitted the Suras because he wanted to write only what he heard directly

 However, this view seems not to be sound for the reason that Ibn Masud himself is reported to have said I have been taught seventy Suras directly from the mouth of the Prophet.71 Which indicates that he learnt both the Suras he heard from the Prophet and those that he learnt from the Companions. Al Qurtubi attributes to Yazid b. Harun the view that Ibn Masud died before he had completed memorizing all the Suras. However, al Qurtubi objects to this view, which indeed has no evidence to support it. The alleged exclusion of these Suras from the mushaf of Ibn Masud does not mean that they were not memorized by him for, as is well known, they are among the shortest and easiest Suras of the Qur’an. Furthermore, al Baqilani states that all these riwayas are isolated reports (ahaad) that should not be regarded as reliable. In addition, he considers all differences attributed to Ibn Masud as false and related by ignorant (people), although he does not deny that Ibn Masud, like any other hafiz, might fall into error in certain haruf. He adds that if Ibn Masud had denied these two sealing Suras, the Companions would have disagreed with him, and that this would have become widely known, since lesser quarrels have been reported to us. Also, he says that the consensus of the Companions on the compilation of the mushaf cannot be impugned by these anomalous invented narrations.

 Finally, a considerable number of Ahadith refer to the position of these suras, the story behind their revelation and, above all, to the recitation of them to by the Prophet while at home and traveling, which indicate that Ibn Masud was aware of them. Codex of Ubai b. Kab r.a. Ubai b. Kab r.a. was one of the scribes of Prophet p.b.u.h.. He wrote the Qur’an, and prepared a copy of mushaf. It is said that two additional suras and an aya were found in his mushaf. The order of Suras is also differed from mushaf of Uthman r.a. and as well as Ibn Masud. Following is the order of Suras in the copy (of mushaf) attributed to Ubai b. Kab r.a. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 5, 10, 8, 9, 11, 19, 26, 22, 12, 18, 17, 39, 45, 20, 21, 24, 23, 40, 13, 28, 27, 38, 36, 15, 42, 30, 43, 41, 14, 35, 48, 47, 57, 52, 25, 32, 71, 46, 50, 55, 56, 72, 53, 68, 69, 59, 60, 77, 78, 75, 81, 79, 80, 83, 84, 95, 96 ,49, 63, 62, 66, 89, 67, 92, 82, 91, 85, 86, 87, 88, 74?, 108, 97, 109, 110, 111, 106, 112, 113, 114.74 Why the sequence of suras is different in codices of companions, it has been discussed earlier. Another objection about the codex of Ubai b. Kab r.a. raised by western scholars is that Ubai had included an extra sura in his codex.

 Another explanation of this problem is that Ubai and Ibn Masud were confused, since they first heard the Prophet recite qunut in the prayers, particularly in the witr prayer, the most important sunna after the obligatory five daily prayers, and that Ubai r.a. came to believe that they were from the Qur’an.76 The author of Kitab al Mabani states that Ubai’s profound knowledge of the Qur’an would have enabled him to distinguish what is the Qur’an from what is not. This is supported by the fact that the transmission of qiraa from him to the Imams (leading experts in qiraat) does not mention that Ubai taught them qunut as part of the Qur’an.77 Baqilani suggests that Ubai might have written qunut on the back of his mushaf as a Dua, as we do on our masahif.78 Moreover, he studies in a special chapter the stylistic differences between the Qur’an and the sayings of the Prophet.79 On this basis, he concludes that it is impossible that the Companions could not distinguish between the Qur’an and what is not the Qur’an and that the number of Suras was known to them. Indeed, many authorities confirm that what is attributed to Ubai is no more than dua, and they call it Dua al Qunut.81 Thus, these narrations attributed to Ubai Ibn Kab r.a. and Abd Allah Ibn Masud cannot be regarded as authentic. Cdtqicvkqp"" Another objection often raised by orientalists is the theory of abrogation. They are of the view that the Qur’an contains several contradictions. The Prophet got over this by inventing a theory of abrogation which is supposed to have received divine sanction. As the prophet claimed the Qur’an to be a complete divine book then it is very difficult to understand the need for change or abrogation, when the text of the whole book is supposed to have been written from all eternity upon a tablet in heaven. It means that there are contradictions in the text preserved in heaven. So this theory of abrogation which fit the requirements of one specific man and his friends in a specific area and time confirms it as the book of Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) who made the concept of nasakh to hide his mistakes in long suras due to his bad memory.

" Abrogation literally means to erase, to compensate. Its technical definition is: “To repeal a legal order through legal argument”.

 Sometimes a legal order enforced by Allah for a particular time. Then at a later time, he cancelled that order and enforced a new order. The allegation raised by orientalists is not a new one. The Jews of Arabia also raised the same point in the life of prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h.. They thought that there can be no abrogation in the commands of Allah, because if the abrogation is accepted it would imply that Allah also changes His views. They thought that this would mean that once Allah gave one commandment but when He realized his mistake He withdrew it. Orientalists of our age are of the same view. In fact abrogation does not mean to declare abrogated as wrong but it is to fix the time limit for the enforcement of the first order and to tell that the first order was just and proper for the time it remained in force.

 But now a new order is being enforced according to the changed circumstances. Whoever would think over it in a reasonable frame of mind would have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that this change is exactly in keeping with the infinite wisdom of Allah. It cannot be questioned in any way. He would not be a doctor in the true sense if he uses the same prescription under all the circumstances and for every disease. An adept would make necessary changes in his prescriptions according to the changing condition of the patient.

 Abrogation is not found only for the follower of the Holy Prophet p.b.u.h. but it has remained a regular feature in the religious orders of other Prophets p.b.u.h. as well. We find several examples of abrogation in the present day's Bible.

 

 For example: it has occurred in the O.T. that in the religious system of Yaqub p.b.u.h. a man could have two real sisters as his wives at the same time, and he himself had two wives at one time, Liyyah and Rahil who were sisters.

 But this was forbidden in the religious dispensation of Musa p.b.u.h.89 Every moving animal was permissible as food in the dispensation of Nuh r.a.

 In that of Isa p.b.u.h. divorce was allowed only if a woman committed adultery.

 In short there are several such examples in the New and Old Testaments of the Bible wherein an existing order had been abrogated through a new order.

 Why the Orientalist do not pay heed to this reality! In fact abrogation is a phenomenon of the wisdom of Allah. It is not a vice of Qur’an or a proof of its human origin instead it confirms that this book is revealed by a great almighty power of the universe. It also attests the common origin of O.T., N.T. and Qur’an. Maurice Bucaille, a non Muslim, read the Qur’an without biases and with open mind. For this reason he states that:

“Thanks to its undisputed authenticity, the text of the Qur’an holds a unique place among the Books of Revelation, shared neither by the old nor the New Testament... it was written at the time of prophet p.b.u.h.”

As far as, the objections of Jeffery, Bell, Watt, Mingana, Noldeke and the other members of this growing group of orientalists are concerned, they are based only on their prejudice against Islam and prophet

Its basic reason is expressed by a orientalist, while talking about an authentic version of N.T., as..."we had to wait till the sixteenth century till the council of Trent for an official Holy Scripture..."

 As their own books are corrupted by human beings down the centuries so they feel jealousy to accept the Qur’an an authentic, unchanged, untampered book and raise objections against Qur’an.

Arthur Jeffery, The Qur’an As Scripture (New York: R. F. Moore Co, 1952), 5 2 Richard C. Martin, Islam: a Cultural Perspective (New Jersey: Prientice Hall, 1982), 6 3 R.V.C Bodley, The Messenger, 2nd ed (Lahore: Orientalia, 1954), 98 4 Fazlur Rahman, Major Themes of the Qur’an (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), vi 5 Richard C. Martin (ed.): Approaches to Islam in religious Studies (Arizona: University of Arizona Press, 1985) 6 John Tackle, The Faith of Islam (New Delhi, 1980), 110 7 James Kritzeck, Anthology of Islamic Literature, 1st ed (New York,. 1966), 33; “Koran” in The New Encyclopedia Brittanica; Alfred Guillaume, Islam (Beirut: Khayats, 1978), 56, T.P. Hughes, Notes on Mohammedanism (London: 1975), 13 8 John, L. Esposito, Islam the Straight Path, (London: Oxford University Press 1988), 20; Gaston Wiet, History of Mankind, v:3 (New York: Unesco, 1975), 542; Julie Scott and Paul Starkey, "Qur’an" in Encyclopedia of Arabic Literature. R.V.C. Bodley, The Messenger, op.cit.,198; Clement Haurt, A History of Arabic Literature, (London: Good Word, 2011), 34-40; Kenneth Cragg, The House of Islam, 3rd ed. (New York: 1988), 85; G.E. Von Grunebaum, Islam (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1955), 81; Seigmund Fraenkel, “Koran” in The Jewish Encyclopedia 9 James A-Bellamy, “Some Proposed Emendations to the Text of the Koran” in What the Koran Really Says, ed. by Ibn Warraq (New York: 1999), 489 10 Ibid., 491-505 11 Al-Furqan, (25): 5 12 The Ushub: palm stalks, likhaf: thin white stones, alwah: pieces of wood, aktaf shoulder bones, as mentioned by al-Bukhari 13 al-Baghawi Muhammad Husain b. Masud, Sharh as-Sunna, ed. by: Zuhair ash-Shawish, al-Maktab al-Islami, 2nd ed. v: 4 (Beirut: 1997), 522 14 For example: al-Bukhari, “al-Jami as-Sahih”, in Mausu al Kutub as-Sitta, Dar as Salam: Riyahd, 2000), 433 15 al-Asqalani, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 6 16 Ibn Kathir abi al-Fida Ismail, “Al-Bidaya wa an-Nihaya”, v:3, part:5, 339-355 17 Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidaya wa an-Nihaya, v: 3, part:5 (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al Ilmiya, 1987), 340-341 18 al-Asqalani, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 16-18 19 Bukhari, “al-Jami”, 433 20 Jalal ad-Din abd ar-Rahman Suyuti b. Abi Bakr, al-Itqan fi Ulum al-Qur’an, v:1,144 21 Abu Yala Ahmad b. Ali, Musnad Abu yala, 289 22 al-Asqalani, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 10 23 Ibn abi Daud, Kitab al-Masahif (Matba ar-Rahmaniya Misr, 1936), 252 24 Bukhari, al-Jami, 433 25 Ahmad Kamal Adil, Ulum al-Qur’an, 3rd ed. (Beirut: Dar al-Irshad, 1968), 37 Qtkgpvcnkuvu"qp"Swt)cp<"C"Etkvkecn"Uvwf{"""" Hafsa Nasreen The Dialogue 50 Volume VIII Number 1 26 Dr. Muhammad Hamidullah, The Emergence of Islam, tr. Afzal Iqbal, 1st ed. (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institution, 1993), 12 27 Ibn abi Shaiba, abu Bakr abd ar-Razzaq, al-Mussanaf, 2nd ed. v: 3 (Beirut: alMaktab al-Islami, 1983), 212 28 For details please see books on Seerah and history of Islam 29 Dr. Hamid Allah, Sahifa Hammam b. Munabba, 64 30 Bukhari, al-Jami, 435 31 William Muir, The Life of Muhammad (Edinburgh, 1923), preface 32 al-Qurtubi Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad, al-Jami li Ahkam alQur’an, v:1 (Beirut: Dar Ihya at-Turath al Arabi, 1952), 30 33 Waqidi Muhammad b. Muhammad, Maghazi, v: 1 (Oxford: Matbaa Jamia, 1966), 23; Bukhari, al-Jami, 431 34 Ibn Hajr, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 20 35 Bukhari, Al-Jami, 433 36 Ibn Hajr, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 10-16 37 Bukhari, al-Jami, 433 38 Ibn al-atir, Al-Kamil fi at-Tarikh, v: 1, 111 39 Bukhari, al-Jami, 433 40 Ibid. 41 As-Suyuti, al-Itqan, v:1, 120; Dr. Subhi Salih, Mubahith fi Ulum al-Qur’an, 86 42 Abu Muhammad Makki al-qisi, al-Ibana an maani al-Qiraat, 1st ed (Dar alMamun at-Turath al-Arabi, 1979), 22-23 43 Ibn Hanbal, al-Musnad, al-Maimaniya, nd, v:2, 22; Ibn Abi Daud, Kitab alMasahif, 13; Al-Musali Ahmad b. Ali, Musnad Abi Yala al-Musali, v:5, 90-92; Abu Naim, Hilyatu al-Auwliya, v:1 (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-Arabi, 1967), 669; Ahmad Mukhtar Umar, Abd al-Al Salim al-Mukarram, Mujam al-Qiraat alQur’aniya, v: 1 (Iran: Intasharat Uswa, 1991), 37; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, v: 1, 669;644; Ibn abi Daud, Muqqadimatan fi Ulum al-Qur’an, 20 44 Ibn Hajr, Fathul Bari, v: 9, 23 45 .S. Peters, Muhammad and The Origins of Islam (New York: State University of New York Press, 1994), 203-205 46 N.J. Dawood, The Koran 4th ed., (Butler and Tanner LTD, 1974), 10 47 Al-Labib as-Saeed, al-Mushaf al-Murrattal, Dar al-Maarif, 2nd ed., (Misr, n.d.), 37; Abd al-Munim an-namr, Ilm at Tafsir, 1st ed. (Dar al-Kitub al-Misri, 1984), 20 48 Nisaburi Nizamad Din abu al-Hasan, Gharaib al-Qur’an wa Raghaib alFurqan, v: 1(Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiya, 1966), 16 49 Bukhari, al-Jami, 430 50 An-Nasai, Sunan an-Nasai, 2149 51 An-Nasai, Sunan an-Nasai, 2149 52 Rashid Raza, Al-Manar, v:1, (Beirut: Dar al-Maarif, 1953), 7 53 Abi Daud, as-Sunan, 1327; Baghawi, Sharh as-Sunna, v:4, 218; Abu Shamma, al-Murshid al-Wajiz, 146 54 Abu Daud, as-Sunan 55 Hud (11):13 Qtkgpvcnkuvu"qp"Swt)cp<"C"Etkvkecn"Uvwf{"""" Hafsa Nasreen The Dialogue 51 Volume VIII Number 1 56 Hajj (22):30 57 See Bukhari, Al-Jami, 433, Baghawi, Sharh as-Suna, v:4, 522 58 Abu Shamma, al-Murshid al-Wajiz, 146; Suyuti, al-Itqan, v:1, 120 59 Neal Robinson, “Western Attempts at Dabing the Revelations” in The Quran, ed. by: Collin Turner, v: 2, p:141 60 G.E. Von Grunebaum, Islam, p: 80; H.A.R. Gibb and J.H.V. Krammers, "Koran” in Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam; Joseph Smith, The Qur’an 61 Jeffery, Materials, (detailed study) 62 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa an Nihaya, v:3, part:5, 343 63 Because all Orientalists considers these two codies as original and of basic importance and the rest are secondary codies. 64 Ibn Nadim, al-Fihrist, 29 65 Jeffery, Materials, 23 66 Jeffery, Materials, 23; Bell, Introduction to the Qur’an, 41; A.T. Wellsh, “Quran” in Encyclopedia of Islam 67 az-Zarkashi, Badar ad-Din Muhammad b. Abd Allah, al-Burhan fi Ulum alQur’an, v:2 (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1st ed. 1988), 127-128 68 Jeffery, Muqqadimatan fi Ulum al-Qur’an (Baghdad: Maktaba al-Khanji, 1954), 97 69 Ibid., 97 70 Ibid., 96 71 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, v:1, 669 72 Qurtubi, al-Jami, v:1, 30 73 Al-Baqilani Muhammad abd al-Azim, Ijaz al-Qur’an, 291-292 74 Ibn an-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 29-30 75 Jeffery, Muqaddimatan, 74 76 Al-Baqilani, Ijaz al-Qur’an, op.cit., 291-292 77 Jeffery, Muqaddimatan, p:74 78 Ibid. 79 Al-Baqilani Muhammad abd al-Azim, Ijaz al-Qur’an, op.cit., 291-292 80 Ibid. 81 Az-Zurqani, Muhammad abd al-Azim, Manahil al-Irfan, Dar Ihya at-Turat al-Arabi, v:1 (Beirut, n.d.), 271; Baqilani, al-Intisar fi al-Qur’an, (manuscript) v:1, (Frankfort: University Library, 1986), 5-6 82 John Tackle, The Faith of Islam, 124; G.E.Von Grumbaum, Islam, 85; A.S. Tritton, Islam, 18 83 Joseph Smith, The Qur’an 84 James Kritzeck, An Anthology of Islamic Literature, 37; J. Christy Wilson, Introducing Islam, 29; Rev. F.A. Klein, The Religion of Islam, 44; Theodore Noldek, The Koran, in The Origins of the Koran, ed. by: Ibn Waraq, 40 85 Dr. Subhi Salih, Mabahith fi Ulum al-Qur’an, 261 86 Az-Zarkashi, al-Burhan fi Ulum al-Qur’an, v: 2, 30 87 Az-Zurqani, Muhammad abd al-Azim, Manahil al-Irfan fi Ulum al-Qur’an, v: 2, 188 88 Genesis, 29:23-30 89 Ahbar, 18:18 Qtkgpvcnkuvu"qp"Swt)cp<"C"Etkvkecn"Uvwf{"""" Hafsa Nasreen The Dialogue 52 Volume VIII Number 1 90 Genesis, 9:3 91 Ahbar, 11:7 14:7 92 Istatna, 24:1, 2 93 Mutta, 19:15; Buacille, The Bible, The Qur’an and Science, 44 94 John Bowman, “Holy Scriptures, Lectionaries and the Qur’an” Lecture Presented in International Congress for the study of the Qur’an at (Austral

The Qur'an and the Arabic Literature

Elsayed M.H Omran

Vol XIV No. 1 , Spring 1988

Since the advent of Islam and the revelation of the Qur'an in the early years of the seventh century AD, the Muslim Holy Book has been the subject of many extensive analytical studies. The focus of the great majority of these studies has been the theological and legislative aspects of the Holy Book, for the Qur'an provides Muslims with detailed guidance on their everyday problems.

Together with the sayings, actions, and recommendations of Muhammad, the Qur'an has been the ultimate source of legal authority for Muslims over the past fourteen centuries. Muslim scholars have painstakingly examined, analyzed and interpreted the various verses of the Holy Book, detailing the requirements the Qur'an imposes on Muslims in order for them to achieve spiritual purity. Thus, in addition to its legislative and theological value, the Qur'an has also served as a source of spiritual guidance for the followers of Islam.

There is, however, another aspect of the Qur'an which has received far less attention than its theological and legislative guidance, namely its linguistic significance, for the Qur'an was undoubtedly the first book to be composed in Arabic. The advent of Islam and the revelation of the Qur'an have had far-reaching effects on the status, the content, and the structure of the Arabic language.11

This paper will examine the linguistic influence of the Qur'an and the impact of its revelation on Arabic. It will be argued that, while the Arabic language was extremely effective as the medium for the revelation of the Holy Qur'an and the dissemination of the new faith, the language benefited enormously from the new role it acquired with the advent of Islam.

Islam and Arabic: a unique relationship

The revelation of the Qur'an in Arabic set the scene for a unique and lasting relationship between the language and Islam. On the one hand, Arabic provided a very effective medium for communicating the message of the religion. On the other hand, Islam helped Arabic to acquire the universal status which it has continued to enjoy since the Middle Ages, emerging as one of the principal world languages.

It has been argued that Arabic has not simply remained 'ancillary to Islam'2 but that it has also been significant as a means of 'cultural and national revival in the Arabic-speaking countries.' 3 Arabic is a rich and expressive language and has played an important role in the cultural preservation of the Arabic-speaking people. However, without the bond it has had with Islam, Arabic would probably not have undergone the internal revolution it did, nor expanded beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula with such speed and magnitude.

The relationship of Islam and the Qur'an to Arabic involves more than just the use of a language to communicate a divine message. There are a number of factors which set this relationship apart from that which exists between other holy books and the languages in which they appeared, for Arabic has come to be closely associated with Islam, and in this way has acquired a semi-official status. It is implicit that anyone professing Islam cannot ignore the role Arabic plays in his faith.

Embracing Islam, therefore, entails exposure to, and familiarity with, the Arabic language. Such familiarity is necessitated by the fact that memorization and recitation of Qur'anic verses in their original language is necessary for the performance of the daily rituals.

Other holy books may have had an impact on the languages in which they originally appeared, but the impact that Islam and the Qur'an have had on Arabic appears to be unique in its extent and durability.

It has often been the case that a holy book appears in a given language and is then translated into other languages, in which it continues to be read and recited during the performance of rituals, but, in the case of the Qur'an, although it has been translated into many languages, these translations cannot replace the original language as a language of worship, which continues to be Arabic for all Muslims, native speakers and others.

Other holy books also came to be associated with specific languages, such as the Torah with Hebrew, and, perhaps less intimately, the New Testament with Greek and Latin. However, the nature of the relationship between the Qur'an and Arabic is still unique for reasons to be given below.

The Qur'an: Muhammad's strongest argument

It has often been argued that the Qur'an is not only the first book, and the highest linguistic achievement, of the Arabic language, but that it is also Muhammad's strongest argument against those who doubted his Message. The question that needs to be addressed here concerns the reason why a holy book, a composition of language, should be hailed as Islam's (and Muhammad's) strongest argument.4

The point has sometimes been made that other prophets had more tangible miracles. In the case of Muhammad, however, the miracle was not comparable to Moses' staff or Christ's healing powers, but was simply the expression in language of the Qur'an.

To understand why Muhammad's strongest argument or miracle was a book, the Holy Qur'an, it is necessary to understand the role language and linguistic composition played in the lives of the pre-Islamic Arabs. It is also important to understand the nature of the Arabic language itself during the pre-Islamic period. This understanding will help to show why the revelation of the Qur'an through Muhammad found attentive ears among his contemporaries, who not only were articulate users of the language but held those skilled in the arts of linguistic composition in high esteem.5

The role played by language in pre-Islamic Arabia

Before the rise of Islam, Arabic was mainly a spoken language with an oral literature of elaborate poetry and, to a lesser extent, prose.6 Writing had not yet fully developed and memorization was the most common means of preserving the literature.7 Both poetry and prose in the pre-Islamic era dealt with a rather limited range of topics which included in the case of poetry praise, eulogy (panegyric), defamation, and love, and in the case of prose superstition, legends, parables, and wisdom tales.8

Pre-Islamic Arabs took great pride in their language and in articulate and accurate speech, the latter being one of the main requisites for social prominence. On this particular point, Professor Hitti writes:No people in the world manifest such enthusiastic admiration for literary expression and are moved by the word, spoken or written, as the Arabs. Hardly any language seems capable of exercising over the minds of its users such an irresistible influence as Arabic.9

What made this phenomenon even more remarkable is the near absence of other forms of artistic expression such as music, painting, and drama. The sole elaborate form of artistic expression available to the pre-Islamic Arabs was the art of the spoken word.10 Eloquence and the ability to compose articulate prose or poetry were foremost among the traits of a worthy bedouin.11

Other such traits included horsemanship, courage, and hospitality. With its very nature and structure, its abundance of imagery, vocabulary, and figures of speech, the Arabic language lent itself to elaborate poetic composition and sonorous prose. The tremendous quantity of poetry that we have inherited attests to the significant role language played in pre-Islamic Arabia. In fact, the role language and poetry played was so important that other fields of study which developed during the first centuries of the Islamic era were greatly influenced by the then established study of poetic literature.12

The importance of poetry for that era is clearly manifest in the writings of scholars from subsequent centuries. Al-Jahiz (d. 869), for instance, quotes poetic works in his famous al-Bayan wa l-Tabyin.13 The grammarian al-Asma'i (d. c. 830) used the term fasih (articulate) in reference to the poets whom he quotes. The following quotation from Ibn Rashiq further illustrates the importance attached to linguistic skills in pre-Islamic Arabia. He writes:

Whenever a poet emerged in an Arab tribe, other tribes would come to congratulate, feasts would be prepared, the women would join together on lutes as they do at weddings and old and young men would all rejoice at the good news. The Arabs used to congratulate each other only on the birth of a child and when a poet rose among them.14

In his 'Uyun al-Akhbar, Ibn Qutayba defined poetry as follows:

Poetry is the mine of knowledge of the Arabs and the book of their wisdom, the archive of their history and the reservoir of their epic days, the wall that defends their exploits, the impassable trench that preserves their glories, the impartial witness for the day of judgment.15

Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), a notable scholar of the fourteenth century, remarked on the importance of poetry in Arab life:

It should be known that Arabs thought highly of poetry as a form of speech. Therefore, they made it the archives of their history, the evidence for what they considered right and wrong, and the principal basis of reference for most of their sciences and wisdom.16

Almost four centuries earlier, Ibn Faris (d. 1005) elaborated on the same theme, but went further to comment on the quality of the poetry that was composed during the pre-Islamic era:

Poetry is the archive of the Arabs; in it their genealogies have been preserved; it sheds light on the darkest and strangest things found in the Book of God and in the tradition of God's apostle and that of his companions. Perhaps a poem may be luckier than another, and one poem sweeter and more elegant than another, but none of the ancient poems lacks its degree of excellence.17

Such was the role that the spoken word played in the life of pre-Islamic Arabs. With the emphasis placed on eloquent and articulate speech, the prominent position occupied by those who had the talent for linguistic composition, and the pride the early Arabs took in their language, it is little wonder that the Qur'an was revealed in the most eloquent, articulate, and elaborate style the Arabic language has known.

The Qur'an has without doubt provided a level of linguistic excellence unparalleled in the history of the Arabic language. Theologians explain this phenomenon as God's wisdom in addressing the articulate Arabs through the medium in which they were most adept and with which they felt most comfortable.

The effectiveness of the Qur'an was thus ensured by the fact that it represented a level of eloquence unattainable even by their most eloquent speakers. The Qur'an remains a book of inimitable quality, not only from a linguistic, but also from and intellectual, point of view. When Muhammad was challenged by his fellow countrymen to present a miracle, in keeping with the tradition of other prophets, he presented the Qur'an to them. The inimitability of the Qur'an is repeatedly emphasized in the Holy Book itself. Thus the Qur'an challenges the disbelievers:

And if you are in doubt as to what we have revealed, then produce a sura like unto it. (2: 23) 1818

A yet stronger challenge occurs in another chapter:

Or do they say: 'He forged it'? Say: 'Bring then a sura like unto it and call [to your aid] anyone you can. ' (10: 38)

The role of the poet in pre-Islamic Arabia

Except for a few proverbs, legends, and some magical and medicinal formulee, the bulk of the literary heritage from the pre-Islamic era was in the form of poetry.19Prose, which lacks the elaborate rhythm and formal structure of poetry, did not lend itself easily to memorization. Furthermore, in the absence of a developed system of writing, prose was much less easily preserved. Prose works from the pre-Islamic period were mainly genealogies (ansab) and legends dealing with inter-tribal wars (ayyam al-'arab).20 Poetry therefore represents the main form of artistic expression during the pre-Islamic era.

The significance of poetry in pre-Islamic Arabia was underscored by the annual fairs, the most famous of which was the Suq Ukaz, in which poets competed for fame and recognition through recitations of poetry. The recitations constituted the main form of entertainment at the fairs. which were cultural as well as trading events.

The pre-Islamic poet, enjoying his enviable talent for composing poetry, played multiple roles. He was an artist, an entertainer, a journalist, and the spokesman for his tribe. Furthermore, he was the historian who kept alive the history and past glories of his tribe. His poetry provided a very effective means of propaganda and public relations.

He was readily capable of influencing public opinion, and his poetry was sought by kings and tribal chiefs who generously rewarded him. In short, the poet enjoyed a very prominent status in pre-Islamic Arabia.21

The inimitability of the Qur'an

The inimitability of the Qur'an is not limited to its content. In fact, the Holy Book of Islam is held by Muslim scholars to be inimitable not only in its content but also in its language. The Qur'an, it has been constantly maintained, embodies linguistic and literary beauty which exceeds anything of human origin.

This is borne out by the fact that no-one has ever been able to compose anything remotely resembling it in its linguistic, literary, or conceptual elegance.22 This point is repeatedly emphasized in the Holy Book itself. Thus the Qur'an says:

If the whole of mankind and the jinn were to gather together to produce the like of this Qur'an, they could not produce the like thereof, even if they backed each other up. (17:88)

The inimitable nature of the Qur'an was recognized by generation after generation of scholars. Al-Tabari (d. 923) dealt with this subject in his voluminous study of the Holy Book.23 Al-Zamakhshari elaborated on this theme in his famous al-Kashshaf,24 as did Baydawi in his Tafsir. 25AlBaqillam, a prominent scholar, wrote a book which he devoted entirely to this subject and to which he gave the title I'jaz al-Qur'an (The Inimitability of the Qur'an).26 Here he wrote:

The Qur'an is so wonderfully arranged and so marvelously composed, and so exalted is its literary excellence that it is beyond what any mere creature could attain.27

Al-Jawziyya, also a noted scholar, added that:

Whoever knows Arabic and is acquainted with lexicography, grammar, rhetoric, and Arabic poetry and prose recognizes ipso facto the supremacy of the Qur'an28

Ibn Khaldun also dealt with certain aspects of the style of the Qur'an:

The inimitability of the Qur'an consists in the fact that its language indicates all the requirements of the situation referred to, whether they are stated or understood. This represents the highest degree of speech. In addition, the Qur'an is perfect in the choice of words and excellence of arrangement.29

The inimitability as well as the linguistic significance of the Qur'an can be better understood within its pre-Islamic context and according to the role language played during that period. Furthermore, the linguistic significance of the Qur'an can also be better understood within that same context.

The linguistic aspect of the Holy Book was brilliantly used by the Prophet in challenging and eventually prevailing upon his fellow Arabs who held in high esteem those who were eloquent and articulate. The eloquence of the Qur'an clearly impressed and overwhelmed them. This explains why the Qur'an has been referred to as 'Muhammad's miracle', or. as the 'miracle of Islam'.

The use of the power of the Qur'an as a means of persuasion was admitted by the Prophet himself and was mentioned repeatedly in the Qur'an mostly in the form of a challenge to the disbelievers to produce something similar. On the need and justification for the Prophet to use a book such as the Qur'an, Ibn Qutayba wrote:

God offered the Qur'an as the Prophet's sign in the same way as He offered signs for all the other prophets. He sent the things most appropriate to the time in which they were sent. Thus Moses had the power to divide the sea with his hand and rod, and to let the rock burst forth with water in the desert, and all his other signs in a time of magic. And Jesus had the power to bring the dead back to life, to make birds out of clay, to cure those who had been blind from birth and the leprous, and all his other signs in a time of medicine. And Muhammad, may God bless him and grant him salvation, had the book and all his other signs in a time of eloquence.30

The impact of the Qur'an of the Arabic language

Structure and content

As has already been pointed out, scholars have gone to great lengths over the past thirteen centuries to describe and emphasize the inimitability of the verses of the Qur'an. However, the impact of the revelation of the Qur'an on the Arabic language, its structure and content, has certainly been the focus of fewer studies. Works on the inimitability of the Qur'an have mostly focused on the literary beauty of the Holy Book, its conceptual strength and precision.

Another important aspect of the Qur'an, one not adequately addressed, lies in its linguistic impact on the form and content of the Arabic language.

The Holy Qur'an has undoubtedly helped reinforce and deepen the Arab people's awareness of the richness and beauty of their tongue. From a linguistic point of view, the revelation of the Qur'an was the most important event in the history of the Arabic language.

It was an event with far-reaching and lasting consequence, for the Qur'an gave Arabic a form which it had hitherto lacked. In fact, it was due to the desire to preserve the Qur'an that efforts were made to develop and refine the Arabic alphabet. It was within the same context that Abu l-Aswad al-Du'ali developed the dot system in the first century of the Islamic era in his attempt to lay the basis for Arabic grammatical theory.31

His efforts were among the first to establish a permanent form for the Arabic alphabet and hence the Arabic writing system. As deciphered from the earliest inscriptions, the Arabic alphabet was vague, unsystematic, and inefficient. The dot system as developed by al-Du'ah helped to clarify and establish distinctions which were otherwise unclear. In fact, it can be maintained that had it not been for the strong desire to preserve the Qur'an, its form, grammar, pronunciation, and accuracy, the Arabic alphabet and writing system might not have developed as quickly as they did.

The Arabic alphabet and writing system were only one aspect of the Qur'an's impact on the language; it also gave Arabic a rigidity of form and a precision of presentation which were novel to the language, as well as a host of new locutions, complex concepts, meanings, and arguments. Furthermore, the Qur'an enriched the lexicon of the language by bringing new words and expressions into use, and by introducing loan-words from foreign languages. It also presented a firm set of linguistic standards and directions which were instrumental in the subsequent documentation of Arabic grammar.

The Qur'an likewise helped to expand the scope of Arabic as it was known in the early years of the seventh century. Islam and the Qur'an helped to open new horizons and fields of study which included such disciplines as philology, Islamic law (the sharia), and Islamic philosophy. The Qur'an also introduced a host of new themes and linguistic forms not only to the Arabic language but to the Arab mind as well. Taha Husayn dealt with this particular aspect of the verses of the Qur'an when he wrote:

In its external form the Qur'an is neither poetry nor prose. It is not poetry because it does not observe the metre and rhyme of poetry and it is not prose because it is not composed in the same manner in which prose was customarily composed.32

The Qur'an consists of verses which vary in length depending on their theme and the occasion for which they were revealed. What is most interesting about Qur'anic verses is the superb selection of words, a selection which helps to induce varying reading speeds, which render these verses most effective. On this particular point,

Taha Husayn wrote:

For example, those verses dealing with the dialogues that took place between the Prophet and the pagans as well as those dealing with legislation require the type of low reading speed appropriate to explanation and recapitulation. On the other hand, those verses in which the pagans are warned of the fate that awaits them require a higher speed appropriate to censuring and warning.33

The varying speeds which Taha Husayn mentions appear to be achieved with remarkable spontaneity, which is the result, in Taha Husayn's words, of 'a careful selection of words and expressions.'34 He gives sura 26, al-Shu'ara', as an example of the type of verse requiring speedy reading, and sura 28, al-Qasas, as an example of that requiring slow reading.

Another aspect of the novelty of the Qur'an language has to do with its themes. These themes and topics represent a clear departure from those which had been hitherto familiar to the Arabs. As Taha Husayn explained:

It does not deal with any such things as ruins, camels, or long journeys in the desert; nor does it describe longing for the beloved, love, or eulogy, topics most familiar to pre-Islamic Arabs. But rather it talks to the Arabs about such things as the oneness of God, His limitless power, His knowledge, which is unattainable, His will, which is unstoppable, and His creation of heaven and earth.35

This passage underscores yet another innovative aspect of the Qur'an, namely the presentation of novel themes through an abundance of examples all aimed at illustration and persuasion. The use of illustration is one of the most effective stylistic techniques of the Qur'an. One can hardly read a verse without experiencing the impact of this technique.

The art of narrative style represents another innovative aspect of the Qur'an. It relates in astounding detail the stories of Noah Abraham, Joseph, Moses, and Jesus, among others. It presents the dialogues that took place in such stories and the claims and counter-claims made by each of the opposing parties. Story-telling may not have been totally novel in pre-Islamic Arabia given the significant quantity of parables, epics, and myths that were inherited from that period.

What was novel, however, was the type of integrated, elaborate story involving such essential items as theme, plot, well-developed characters, and denouement which are to be found in the Qur'an, which refers itself to the benefit in telling such stories:

We do relate unto thee the most beautiful stories, in that We reveal unto thee this [portion of the] Qur'an. Before this thou too were among those who knew it not. (1: 3)

Lexical borrowing

Lexical borrowing is another area in which the Qur'an established precedent. The Holy Book draws freely on words of non-Arabic origin, including Persian, Sanskrit, and Syriac. The importance of the Qur'an in this respect can be better understood against a deep-seated theme which can be discerned in the writings of scholars of pre and early Islam, namely, that the Arabian Peninsula was, during the pre-Islamic era, more or less isolated from the rest of the world, and that the Arabic language, and consequently the Qur'an, was the unique product of the Arabian desert.

Inherent in this theme is a belief in the 'purity' of the Arabic tongue and hence the scholars' reluctance to agree with the fact that in its attempt to illustrate the breadth of human religious experience the Qur'an drew on the lexicons of other languages and religions.36 The verse:

Thus have We sent down this Arabic Qur'an (20:113)

is often cited in support of this view.37

It is obvious from the literature that the majority of the earlier scholars, for example, al-Shafi'i, Ibn Jarir, Abu ' Ubayda, al-Qadi Abu Bakr, and Ibn Faris, rejected the theory that some of the words of the Qur'an were not of Arabic origin.38 The question of lexical borrowing and the existence of foreign words in the Qur'an was viewed differently by different scholars. Thus the earlier scholars maintained that the existence of foreign words implied and inadequacy of the language. Al-Suyuti quoted Ibn Aws as saying:

If the Qur'an had contained anything other than Arabic, then it would be thought that Arabic was incapable of expressing those things in its own words.39

Later scholars, however, viewed lexical borrowing differently. Thus, al-Suyuti explained that the adoption of some non-Arabic words in the Qur'an took place because such words denoted objects or ideas for which no Arabic words were readily available.40

Examples include the Persian words 'istibraq' (a thick, silky brocade), 'ibriq' (a water jug); the Nabatean word 'akwab' (goblets); the Aramaic word 'asfar' (a large book); the Hebrew borrowing 'rahman' (merciful); and the Syriac words 'zayt' (olive oil) and 'zaytun' (the olive tree). The Qur'an has several hundred such foreign borrowings.

Earlier generations of Muslim scholars maintained that such words were either ancient Arabic words that had gone out of use until the revelation of the Qur'an, or that such words were ancient borrowings introduced into Arabic long before the Revelation which had since then acquired an Arabic pattern.41

Whether we agree with the view that foreign words in the Qur'an are direct borrowings from other languages or with the view that the majority of these words were ancient borrowings which occurred in pre-Islamic poetry and which had been in use long before the revelation of the Qur'an, it is a fact that the Qur'an contains words that are not of Arabic origin.

Such words come from a host of languages including Ethiopic, Persian, Greek, Sanskrit, Syriac, Hebrew, Nabatean, Coptic, Turkish, and Berber.42 By adopting words of non-Arabic origin, the Qur'an may have helped to legitimize a very important linguistic process, that of lexical borrowing. The importance of this practice derives particularly from the fact that the use of foreign words was viewed unfavorably by a large number of Arab scholars at that time.43

The term 'ajami (Persian, foreign) was used strictly in reference to non-Arabic words to set them aside from native Arabic words. During the documentation of the grammar in the first three centuries of the Islamic calendar, the same term was used to refer to less-than-native pronunciations of Arabic.

In their attempt to document the grammar, the early scholars considered the speech of the bedouins in the heart of the desert to be the most reliable and purest, apparently due to their belief that the bedouins seldom left the desert or mixed with speakers of other languages.44 Likewise, the early grammarians did not look favourably upon the adoption of foreign terms into Arabic, apparently in the belief that borrowing would indicate certain gaps or deficiencies in the language.

Since it contained words of non-Arabic origin, the Qur'an established a precedent for lexical borrowing as a tool whereby languages may enrich themselves. This was clearly one of the most innovative aspects of the Qur'an. It is particularly important given the unfavorable climate that prevailed among the early Muslim scholars with respect to lexical borrowing.

Structure and style

The Qur'an has made remarkable contributions to the structure and style of the Arabic language. It combines within its covers the first documentation of the sentence patterns of Arabic, and it was instrumental in the documentation of Arabic grammar which began in the first Islamic century. From the time of Sibawayh (d. c. 793) up to the present day there is hardly a page in any manual of Arabic grammar which does not contain one or more verses from the Qur'an. Furthermore, the strong interest in Qur'anic studies brought with it an equally strong interest in Arabic linguistic studies.

The style of the Qur'an helped to develop and enrich the Arabic language. As the first book in the Arabic language, it introduced stylistic innovations which greatly influenced trends in subsequent generations. Foremost among such trends is the Qur'an's abundant use of figures of speech in place of simple words.

The Qur'an makes extensive use of illustrations, imagery, and metaphor, thus adding beauty, life, and colour to plain words In fact, the ubiquity of figures of speech in the Qur'an has led Sayyid Qutb to conclude that 'the use of imagery and figures of speech is the Qur'an's preferred style.'45 The preference for figures of speech over plain words appears to be a general trend that permeates the entire Book. Thus, the Qur'an affirms the impossibility of the disbelievers' entry into paradise:

“Nor will they enter the Garden until a thick rope can pass through the eye of a needle”. (7: 40)

Confirming that the disbelievers' actions will be in vain, the Qur'an conveys this notion in the following way:

“The parable of those who reject their Lord is that their works are as ashes on which the wind blows furiously as on a tempestuous day.” (14: 18)

Another idea, that of those who do charitable acts yet spoil what they have done by gloating and reminding others of such acts is conveyed thus:

“they are in a parable like a hard, barren rock on which is a little soil: on it falls heavy rain which leaves it just a bare stone.” (2: 265)

The opposite case, namely that of those who spend for God's sake rather than in order to boast, is also expressed through imagery:

“as a garden, high and fertile; heavy rain falls on it but makes it yield a double increase of harvest.” (2: 265)

Earlier in the same sura, the same idea is conveyed through a different figure of speech:

“The parable of those who spend their money in the way of God is that of a grain of corn: it groweth seven ears and each ear hath a hundred grains.” (2: 261)

Criticizing those who worship gods other than Allah, the Qur'an likens their actions to that of a spider building a web:

“The parable of those who take protectors other than God is that of the spider building for itself a house; but, truly, the flimsiest of houses is the spider's house.” (29: 41)

Doomsday is one of the frequent themes of the Qur'an. The description of the horrors of that day is also presented through figures of speech:

“for the convulsion of the Hour will be a terrible thing! The day ye shall see it, each mother giving suck shall forget her suckling-babe, and each pregnant female shall deliver her load. Thou shalt see mankind as in a drunken riot, yet not drunk.” (22: 2)

Another very characteristic stylistic device of the Qur'an is that of anthropomorphization. Thus it describes dawn as:

“breathing away the darkness” (78: 10),

“the night as concealing the sun and veiling the day, the wind as fecundating, causing the rain to fall “(15: 22).

The sea is likened to ink which, if used, will not suffice to write the words of God:

“Say: If the ocean were ink wherewith to write out the words of my Lord, sooner would the ocean be exhausted, even if we added another ocean like it.”(18: 109)

Slandering is likened to eating another person’s flesh:

“Nor speak ill of each other behind their backs. Would any of you like to eat the flesh of his dead brother. “(49: 12)

The rhythmic pattern of speech found in Qur’anic recitations is yet another remarkable aspect of the language of the Qur'an. These patterns are a reflection of the special array of words and arrangement of phrases found in the Book. In the view of many scholars such verses combine the characteristics of both poetry and prose.46

Unlike some poetry, the verses of the Qur'an do not have one single rhyme, thus there is more room for flexibility and freedom of expression. The Qur'an does, however, reflect certain aspects of poetry, especially with respect to its use of words with identical numbers of syllables. This 'music' is more noticeable in short verses than it is in long ones.47

Sayyid Qutb cites sura 53 (al-Najm) as an excellent example of prose rhythm produced by words similar in length and all ending in the same sound, in this case the long a48 There is another type of internal rhythm which is inherent in the structure of the single sentence. This is seen when the length of words varies within the same sura.

A good example of this is sura 19 (Maryam), which begins with short words and phrases, then changes to longer ones. Furthermore, the rhythms of the various segments are enhanced by the use of two main rhymes throughout the entire sura. These rhymes end either in nun or mim preceded by either ya' or wa'w.

The narrative aspect of Qur'an style remains one of the most creative and innovative of the Holy Book, one which has profoundly influenced and enriched the Arabic language. Whatever narrative style the language had in pre-Islamic times were relatively crude and primitive.

Even though the narrative parts of the Qur'an were clearly put to the service of the main theme of the Book, i.e., religion, the narrative was so highly developed and integrated that it became a work of art in itself. The Qur'an is remarkably innovative with respect to its method of presentation, which involves four different techniques.

One common technique is that if beginning a story with a short summery, followed by the details from beginning to end, as in sura 18 (al-Kahf).

The second technique is that of beginning a story by presenting the conclusion first, then the lesson to be derived from it, and then the story from beginning to end, as in the story of Moses in sura 28 (al-Qasas).

The third technique presents the story directly without introduction, as in that of Mary following the birth of Jesus in sura 19 (Maryam), and the story of King Solomon and the ants in sura 27 (al-Naml).

The fourth, and perhaps most innovative, technique is that of presenting the story through dramatization. This technique gives only a brief introduction signaling the beginning of the scene, followed by a dramatization of the story with a dialogue among tthe various characters, as in the story of Abraham and Ismail in sura 2.

An important element in the structure of Qur'anic narrative is the varied use of the element of surprise. In some cases the anticlimax is kept from the main players and spectators, and is unfolded for both simultaneously towards the end, as in sura 18 in the story of Moses and the scholar.

Another use of the element of surprise reveals the anticlimax to the audience but conceals it from the characters, who act in total ignorance. The Qur'an commonly uses this technique in situations where satire is intended (satire which is directed at the actors and their behavior) as in the story in sura 68 (al-Qalam). A third technique reveals part of the anticlimax to the audience while keeping part of it concealed from both the audience and the characters, as in the story in sura 27 (al-Naml).

The structure of Qur'anic narrative displays the well-developed elements of an integrated literary work. One of the elements indispensable to dramatized narrative is change of scenery, which the Qur'an utilizes fully.

In the story of Joseph in sura 12, the reader is presented with a succession of scenes, each of which leads to the next, picking up the main thread of the narrative. Joseph's story comprises some twenty-eight scenes, each of which leads to the next in a manner which maintains the organic unity of the entire narrative. All such scenes are presented through dialogues replete with details and ideas. The result of such a well-knit passage is that the reader finds himself drawn to the narrative, moving anxiously from one scene to another.

This effect is achieved through a coherent series of events which sustain his curiosity and interest. In one scene, for example, we find one of Joseph's brothers entering the king's court in Egypt where Joseph is the keeper of the store-house. In this scene, Joseph stipulates to his brothers that they should bring their younger brother to the king's court in order to receive provisions. The next scene presents the brothers deliberating among themselves, which is followed by a scene in which they have returned to face their father, Jacob.

The following scene takes the brothers back to Egypt to confront Joseph. The presentation of the narrative in dramatic form involving a succession of scenes brings home effortlessly the main theme and the lessons to be derived from the whole narrative. The use of dialogue makes the scenes more vivid and closer to life. This is an art in which the Qur'an excels, and an art in which it is remarkably innovative. It is clearly a form of literary composition which the Qur'an, the first book in Arabic, introduced to the language.

The portrayal of personalities is a very significant element of the narrative; here, again, the Qur'an sets a precedent. The depiction of personalities in the various narratives manages to convey to the reader the precise dimensions and traits of such figures. This is done through the words and actions of the personalities portrayed.

In the story of Moses, for example, the reader is readily able to discern, through Moses' actions, the type of aggressive yet emotionally sensitive person he was meant to portray. Conversely, in the story of Abraham, the Qur'anic verses carefully depict a calm, peaceful, and patient personality. This careful and accurate delineation of personality is effected largely through dialogue which skillfully brings out the traits of such personalities. The dialogue, in turn, is rendered even more effective by a very careful choice of words.

Islam, the Qur'an, and the internationalization of the Arabic language

The revelation of the Quran in Arabic in the early part of the seventh century AD helped the language to acquire and international status which it has continued to enjoy until the present day. It has been argued that Arabic has not simply remained ancillary to Islam but that it has been significant as a 'means of cultural and national revival in the Arabic-speaking countries.'49

It is true that Arabic has played an important role in the life and history of the Arab people, but without the bond it has with Islam it would not have been likely to have acquired the type of international status it has acquired through Islam. It was under the banner of religion that Arabic spread beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula.

The early Muslims who emerged from the north-western part of the Arabian Peninsula brought with them not only the Islamic religion but Arabic as well. This phenomenon was so remarkable that, within a few centuries after the revelation of the Qur'an, Arabic became the common language of government, correspondence, business, and literary expression.

The speed and facility with which Arabic was first accepted and then eventually absorbed in the new countries was remarkable, and it was largely due to its association with Islam. Converts to the new religion looked with great interest towards the original language of their Holy Book.50 They were clearly fascinated by the new religion and its language. The desire on the part of the new converts to identify with the resourceful pioneers emerging from the Arabian Peninsula was yet another factor in their adoption of the language.

Arabic was able to replace such languages as Greek and Syriac in Syria and the Fertile Crescent, Coptic, Greek, and Latin in Egypt, and Pahlavi in Persia. Syriac, a dialect of the ancient Aramaic language, had a flourishing literature until it gave way to Arabic in the seventh century AD, and was subsequently limited to being a vehicle for translating Greek literature and philosophy into Arabic.

In Egypt, the languages used until the early seventh century were Coptic and Greek; both languages, however, gave way to Arabic, which became the common language of the country, with Coptic as the language of the local Christian Church. By the end of the ninth century, Arabic was already being used in churches alongside Coptic.51

In Persia, Pahlavi, the language of the Sassanian dynasty (224 640 AD), used the Arabic alphabet and contained a large number of Arabic loan-words. Following the Arab conquest in 640, Pahlavi gave way to New Persian, which adopted the Arabic script and which was greatly influenced by Arabic. It is estimated that one third of the vocabulary of modern Persian (Farsi), is of Arabic origin.52

Persian scholars engaged in the field of Islamic studies wrote mostly in Arabic. Among these were such prominent figures as Ibn Sina (980 1037), al Ghazzali (1058-1111), and Abu Bakr al-Razi of the twelfth century AD who wrote more than thirty books in Arabic. Even though Farsi began to develop its own identity and become gradually independent from Arabic around the tenth century AD,53 the language is still written in the Arabic script.54

Similarly, the Arabic script was adopted for the Turkic languages following the conversion to Islam of speakers of these languages, which include, in the Southern Division, Turkish, Azerbaijani, Turkoman, and Chuvash, and, in the Eastern Division, Kinghiz, Kazakh, and Tatar.

The Turkic languages continued to use the Arabic script until the early part of this century. The Turkish language, the most important of the Turkic languages, was doubly influenced by Arabic; first, through conversion to Islam, the adoption of the Arabic script, and the adoption of a large number of Arabic loan-words, and secondly through the medium of Farsi. As in the case of the latter, Arabic was the language of composition for many Turkish scholars, notably in the fields of religious and philological studies.55

In the Indian subcontinent, the introduction of Arabic was similarly largely due to the adoption of the Islamic faith. It was the language of government during the reign of the sultan Jalal al-Din (963-1014 AH). There is evidence, however, that Arabic reached India prior to the tenth Islamic century through Farsi, which was the language of the court in India prior to the advent of Islam.

Urdu, a written variety of Hindustani with a substantial quantity of Arabic words, is the language used by Muslims; it employs the Arabic alphabet. A great majority of the Urdu scholars of the twelfth Islamic century used the medium of Arabic for their writings. Prominent among them were Wali Allah al-Dihlawi, Shibli al-Na'mani, and Karamat Husayn.56

Arabic gained more and more ground with the increasing Muslim influence in India. Urdu, which has a vocabulary of which at least thirty per cent is of Arabic origin, continues to the present to be the foremost among the dialects spoken among the Muslims of India and Pakistan. The impact of Arabic extended to other Indic languages such as Hindi and Sindhi, the latter using the Arabic alphabet.

In south-east Asia, the arrival of Islam in the fourteenth century AD brought with it the Arabic language, whose alphabet was subsequently adopted by the Malayo-Polynesian languages. These languages are spoken by the inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula, Madagascar, Taiwan, Indonesia, New Guinea, the Melanesian, Micronesian, and Polynesian islands, the Philippines, and New Zealand. These languages employ writing systems based on the Roman, Hindic, and Arabic alphabets.57

The impact of Islam and the Arabic language was not confined to these parts of Arabia, Africa, and Asia. Indeed, the spread of Islam into the European continent led to the subsequent introduction of Arabic. Less than a century later, the impact of Arabic began to be felt on such languages as Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, French, English, and German.

The impact was most noticeable in Spain and Portugal, where Arabic existed alongside the native languages and was used in church liturgy and in business transactions. It was generally through Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian that Arabic influenced other European languages, including the Scandinavian languages.

The number of Arabic loan-words in Spanish is in the thousands. Many names of cities, rivers, villages, and provinces in Spain have retained their Arabic forms, as in place-names which begin with the words bani, wadi, and al('son', 'valley', and 'the', respectively), as in Bani al-Madina, Wadi al-Kabir, and al-Qasr.58

Among the Arabic loan-words in European languages there is a host of scientific terminology. The existence of scientific words of Arabic origin in European languages is attributed to the pioneering efforts of Muslim scholars in the fields of mathematics, physics, chemistry, and medicine. In their works, Muslim scholars had to coin an entirely new terminology to introduce their innovations, which included such novel concepts as algebra, the algorithm, alkali, alchemy, and alcohol. In addition to scientific terms, European languages contain many everyday words of Arabic origin, e.g., coffee, sugar, saffron, admiral, arsenal. Arabic numerals are another case in point.

Conclusion

The Arabic language has without doubt served as a very effective medium for the communication of the message of Islam, and as the Prophet's strongest argument against the challenges of his articulate and eloquent contemporaries. It has also served as a means for preserving the cultural and religious heritage of Arabic-speaking and Muslim peoples.

In this sense, the language has been extremely useful to the religion. However, in its role as the language of the Qur'an, Arabic has benefited enormously. There is a clear legitimacy to the claim that Islam and the Qur'an have helped to preserve Arabic from decay and deterioration, for it was mainly due to the need to preserve the accuracy and pronunciation of the verses of the Qur'an that efforts were instigated towards refining the Arabic alphabet.

Subsequently, the Qur'an was instrumental in the codification of Arabic grammar in the second the third Islamic centuries. Furthermore, the need for Muslims, whether native or non-native speakers of Arabic, to memorize and recite verses from the Qur'an in their daily worship has helped to keep the Arabic language alive. It was due to its association with Islam and the Qur'an that Arabic gained a good deal of prestige as the language of a young faith, a faith that was gaining more and more followers with each new day.

The interest in the new faith this brought with it interest in the language of that faith. It was under the banner of Islam that Arabic spread beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula to far-off areas in Europe, south-east Asia, and Africa.

From literary, structural, and stylistic points of view, the Qur'an added immeasurably to the beauty of the language, introducing new styles, forms of expression, figures of speech, and structures. The Qur'an also enriched and expanded the vocabulary of the Arabic language by employing hundreds of words of foreign origin, thus demonstrating the legitimacy of lexical borrowing as a linguistic device.

The Qur'an similarly presented Arab scholars with a higher criterion of literary excellence and set new and more rigid standards for literary composition for subsequent generations of Arab scholars. The model that the Qur'an provided, while remaining inimitable, has sharpened the literary skill and kindled the talent of generations of scholars in their attempts to emulate the style and literary excellence of the Qur'an, the first book in the Arabic language. Interest in the Qur'an, its language, and its exegesis gave rise to a number of related disciplines, which include philological, religious, and linguistic studies. There is no doubt that the Arabic language was extremely useful as a medium for the revelation of the Holy Qur'an and for communicating God's final message to the pre-Islamic Arabs of the seventh century.

It is, however, the conclusion of this paper that the Arabic language underwent drastic changes in its structure, content, and status due to its association with Islam and the Qur'an, changes that the language would not have undergone had it not been for the new role it acquired in its bond with Islam and the Qur'an.

·         1. See, for this view, 'Abbas Hasan, Al-Lugha wa-l-nahw bayn al-qadim wa-l-hadith, Cairo, 1966, and Ibrahim Anis, Min asrar al-lugha, Cairo, 1970.

·         2. Anwar Cheyne, The Arabic language: its role in history, Minnesota, 1969, ch. 4,pp. 53 ff.

·         3. Ibid.

·         4. On this subject, see Taha Husayn's excellent argument in his Mir'at al-Islam, pp. 125 ff., and Sayyid Qutbs Al-Taswir al-fanni fi l-Qur'an, chs. 1-3.

·         5. Philip K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, London, 1967, pp. 87 ff.

·         6. Cheyne, Op. Cit., ch. 4, pp. 52 ff.

·         7. Ibid. ,ch.4,pp.52ff.

·         8. Ibid.

·         9. Hitti, Op. Cit., pp. 90 ff.

·         10. Ibrahim Anis, Fi l-lahajat al'arabiyya, Cairo, 1962, ch. 2, pp. 33 ff.

·         11. Vicente Cantarino, Arabic poetics in the golden age, Leiden, 1975, pp. 17 ff.

·         12. Ibid., ch. 1, pp. 9 ff.

·         13. Al-Jahiz, Kitab al-Bayan, Cairo, 1965

·         14. Ibn Rashiq, 'Umda, Cairo, 1934, vol. 1, 65; also in al-Suyuti, Muzhir,Cairo, n.d., vol. 2, 203.

·         15. Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo, 1964, vol. 2, 185.

·         16. Ibn Khaldun, Al-Muqaddima, vol. 3, 375.

·         17. Al-Suyuti, Op. Cit., vol. 2, 291.

·         18. All Qur'anic quotations are taken, with some modification, from the translation of Yusuf A. Ali, The Holy Qur'an, London, 1983.

·         19. Hitti, Op. Cit., pp. 90-91.

·         20. Ibid.

·         21. Cheyne. Op. Cit.. pp. 56 ff

·         22. A number of excellent works were devoted entirely to this aspect of tne Qur'an, e.g., al-Suyiti, al Itqan, and al-Baqillani, I'jaz al-Qur'an, Beirut, 1979.

·         23. Abu Ja far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, Tafsir al-Qur'an.

·         24. Mahmud b. Umar al-Zamakhashari (d. 1143).

·         25. Nasr al-Din al-Baidawi (d. 1286)

·         26. Al Baqillan, Op. Cit.. pp 45 ff

·         27. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Kitab al-Fawai'id al-mushawwig ila ‘ulum al-Qur'an wa'ilm al-bayan, Cairo, 1909, pp. 7, 246.

·         28. Ibn Khaldun, Op. Cit., vol. 3, 338

·         29. Ibn Qutayba, Kitab Ta'wil mushkil al-Qur'an, Cairo, 1954, p. 10.

·         30. Ibn Khaldun, Op. Cit., vol. 3, 1266

·         31. Taha Husayn, Op. Cit., p. 129.

·         32. Ibid., pp. 130 ff.

·         33. Ibid., pp. 129 ff.

·         34. Ibid., p. 125

·         35. Arthur Jeffrey, The Foreign vocabulary of the Qur'an. Lahore, 1977, pp. 5 ff.

·         36. Ibid., pp. 6 ff.

·         37. Al-Suyuti, al Itqan, vol. 1, § 38, p. 136.

·         38. Ibid., p. 136.

·         39. Ibid., pp. 136 ff.

·         40. Ibid., pp. 137 ff.

·         41. Ibid.

·         42. Ibid., pp. 138 ff.

·         43. Al-Suyuti, Itqan

·         44. 'Abbas Hasan, Op. Cit., pp. 72 ff.

·         45. Sayyid Qutb, Op. Cit., pp. 34 ff.

·         46. Ibid., pp. 87 ff.

·         47. Ibid.

·         48. Ibid.

·         49. Cheyne, Op. Cit., pp. 5 ff.

·         50. Anwar al-Jindi, Al-Fusha lughat al-Qur'an, Beirut, n.d., p. 31.

·         51. Ibid, p. 45.

·         52. Ibid., p. 72.

·         53. Ibid., p. 72. See also Cheyne, Op. Cit., p. 1.

·         54. Al-Jindi, Op Cit.,p. 77

·         55. In a discussion with Dr Baynurza Hayit, a prominent Turkistani scholar who lives and writes in West Germany, at the third annual meeting of the American Council for the Study of Islamic Societies held at Villanova University in May 1986, he informed me that Turkic languages enjoyed a high degree of mutual intelligibility and interaction during that period in which the Arabic script was in use, and that this feature began to disappear following the switch of writing system in some of these languages.

·         56. Al-Jindi, Op. Cit., p. 81.

·         57. William H. Harris and Judith S. Levy, The New Columbia Encyclopedia, New York and London, 1975, p. 1670.

·         58. Banilmadina is a large resort on the Costa del Sol in southern Spain, Guadalquivir is a river which runs through the ancient city of Seville, and the Alcazar is the famous palace in that city.

when The Quran was composed and why?

When was Quran compiled?

Throughout his life, Muhammad (P.B/U/H) continued to have revelations until before his death in 632. The Quran we see today was compiled into book format by Zayd ibn Thabit and other scribes under Uthman, the third caliph (reign 644 to 656). (A caliph is the political leader of a Caliphate (Islamic government).)

HISTORY OF THE COMPILATION OF QURAN 

      I.            Scribing during the life of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). The Revelation scribes wrote down the Quran, according to the order of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), on pieces of cloth, leather, bones, and stones. Its verses were ordered and arranged according to Allah's inspiration. At the beginning, it was not gathered in one book. Some of the Prophet's companions scribed parts and surahs specially for themselves after they had memorized it from the Prophet.

   II.            Compiling Quran during the era of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq: Zayd Ibn Thabit gathered the Quran in one book. He was charged to do this by Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, according to an advice from Umar Ibn Al-Khattab. Its resource was the parts written by the Revelation scribes; so he gathered all of it in one book, the Holy Quran.

III.            Compiling Quran during the era of Uthman Ibn Affan: In his reign, the Quran was written from the main copy gathered during the era of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq. It was kept at the residence of Hafsah Bint Umar, (one of the Prophet's wives). He charged the following scribes to do it:

1.   Zayd Ibn Thabit.

2.   Abdullah Ibn Al-Zubair.

3.   Said Ibn Al-`As.

4.   Abdul-Rahman Ibn Al-Harith Ibn Hisham.

They scribed many copies of Quran, reflecting in their writing the different correct readings (Arabic accents) of it; excluding any incorrect one. It was not marked with dots or vowel points. Uthman kept a copy at Medina and sent the remaining copies to the various Islamic countries.

      I.            Dotting and Vowelization. Dotting and vowelization passed through three stages:

1.   In the first stage: Dots were used as syntactical marks. This was in the era of Mu`awiyah Ibn Abi Sufyan, who charged Abu Al-Aswad Al-Dualy to do it in order to prevent people from a faulty reading of the Quran.

2.   In the second stage: Arabic letters were marked with different dotting to differentiate between them (e.g.:B, T,TH). This was in the time of Abdul-Malik Ibn Marawan, who charged Al-Hajjaj to do it. Al-Hajjaj, in his turn, charged Nasr Ibn Asem and Hayy Ibn Yaamor to accomplish it.

3.   In the third stage: Complete vowel points (e.g. dammah, fathah, kasrah) were used, in the form we are using nowadays. This method was invented by Al-Khaleel Ibn Ahmed Al Faraheedi.