Godly Journalists, A Recipe For, Broken Window, The Virtue Of Defect, Quotable Quotes, God Is Alive & Extending The Analogy
Godly Journalists, A Recipe For, Broken Window, The Virtue Of Defect,
Quotable Quotes, God Is Alive & Extending The
Analogy By Dr. Sohail Ansari
Conceived and worded
by DR Sohail Ansari (originality of concepts and originality of words).
He believes that there
can never be a zero scope for improvement and appreciates criticism if it is
not for the sake of criticism.
{Bravado is scoffing at caution as a character failing}
{You reconcile to the realities of an advancing age by agreeing
to something your younger self has always refused}
{Every talk of a professor is an enlightening lecture if it
becomes a bit longer}.
Journalists are godly
·
The press is neither on
the side of the angels; nor on the side of the devil. Press is only human and
its commitment to humanize the world reflects in its refusal to be tied to the
apron-strings of truth, or coiffed with the night cap of silence; its refusal
to submit to such a fate in the age of a cheap ink and oratory, lends our world
color, character and attraction. Honesty of thought and speech is a jewel; but
celibacy makes us angelic and distorts the very purpose of our being; we are
created as a human and must live as a human.
Journalists are on the side of God to do all that is humanly possible:
the press is holding the world on the saying of its many tongues; glibly
producing sensationally spurious things to protect us from the soporific effect
of truth; thus enabling us to protect the humanity of ourselves.
A recipe for proving doctrinal superiority
·
Your doctrine must serve as
its own referent and thus certify its own superiority as a doctrine to all
systems of thought. From the standpoint of normal adequacy, a philosophical
justification for grading is needed: weighting the truth value of different ideologies.
You must refrain from it.
Broken window fallacy in politics
·
My
followers as media term ‘a herd of rampaging monsters, on the orgy of
destruction after being routed in the election’. Victory was stolen from us so
the rage was spontaneous. We, however, are always on the side of people; we in
destroying properties generated income for all those who would repair them.
This is the expression of love through destruction.
The virtue of defect
·
Every closed intellectual
system has the compulsive logic characteristic. The virtue of this defect is
that it can successfully deal with what Emerson says: All is riddle, and the
key to a riddle is another riddle.
Quotable Quotes
·
Attracting criticism
by provoking it is the recipe of mediocre to stay in the limelight.
·
The devotional
believers coin stories to justify devotion to their gurus.
·
A newspaper is not for
reporting the news as it is, but to leave people blaze with rage and hatred.
·
You can be with all
the people all the time except politician: ‘I am with you, my people’.
·
When politician says
to his audience, ‘I am with you’ every one thinks it is so, and everyone is
wrong.
·
Memories never leave
you alone. They stand with you when you are alone or in a crowd like a crowd.
God is alive
·
‘The realm of social morality
should not be left only to religion’ implies the existence of an alternative
source of morality; in fact there is none except Machiavellianism as the
guiding principle of making decision. The failure of the custodian of churches:
spiritual fathers, their yielding to seductive lures of pomp and glory resulted
in God is dead theological rhetoric. God was, is, and always be alive. One
needs to approach him independently of any medium.
Extending the analogy to the point of
absurdity by focusing on hypothetical scenario
·
If a pen of a writer is like a sword of a
soldier; journalist must use their pens for parry and thrust.
What
shaped the culture of Pakistan?
Present research is directed into
probing cultural, philosophical, psychological and historical factors that have
shaped the culture of Pakistan and attitude and measures of ‘democratic’
leaders and of dictators that, on the one hand, deprived democracy of its
substance in democratic period and on the other hand further strengthened the
force of culture and history.
For analytical appraisal of historical
and cultural factors; the period from earliest to colonial phase and of
attitude and measures of different rulers and the impact of them on society and
institutions are covered. Study is divided in two periods: pre 1988 and post
1988 up to 2002.
Alexander
(1941), one of America’s foremost psychoanalyst and psychiatrists in his
“Defeatism Concerning Democracy” concludes that ‘two factors menace, above all,
the prospects of democracy: the first is the latent regressive tendency toward
dependence, and the second is economic insecurity. The first factor is
subjective, emotional, and universal in the sense that every human being
protests to some extent against growing up and wishes to continue the existence
in which someone else takes care of him. As man grow up, he is expelled from
his Garden of Eden, and is driven into the cold world where he must struggle
for himself. This emotional tendency towards dependence is strengthened by an
objective social phenomenon, economic insecurity: economic insecurity increase
the flight from responsibility and independence and mobilize the latent longing
(which everyone carries in himself) to go back to the Garden of Eden, to be
cared by some earthly or heavenly father. Totalitarian systems demand
obedience, but offer their citizens security and the comforts of not having to
assume civic responsibility.
There is
empirical evidence to show that feudal societies condition individuals toward
the non- acceptance of democracy; uneasiness with democracy reflects in
endorsing ‘strong’ personalities (feudal, generals) and that testifies to never
growing up emotionally, and longing to return to infantile dependence and
irresponsibility’.
Desire to
revert to authoritarianism is related to the conception of the world and man’s
place in it. Totalitarianism owes its existence to the desire of submission and
obedience. Muslim lived under monarchial rule but philosophy of Islam can make
no contribution to understanding of Muslim politics. No parallelism about which
William talks about exists between basic philosophical and political conception
because ideal Islamic polity simply facilitates behavior in accordance with
religious laws; favor individual freedoms and the capacity for religious choice;
rulers and ruled are governed by the Sharia. The role of state as facilitator
and submission by all to Sharia make Islamic polity democratic.
Islamic
philosophy is not only democratic in essence, but had also its manifestation in
the time of Prophet and in the rule of the first four Caliphs_ periods that
serve until today as the touch stone, a gauge to evaluate any government. ‘But
by the late seventh century political practice was no longer in accord with
Islamic political theory.
The office of Caliph
had become a dynastic legacy’ . The aristocratic rule was the violation of the
dictates of Islam but it was consistent with authority orientation of tribal
system. Such system by its nature relies on military power which created a
political role for itself and this role was legitimated over centuries in the
absence of any other workable alternative .
THE COLONIAL PHASE:
From the end
of the 19th century until independent the dominant theme of
Britain’s mission in India was to keep order; Indians were not exposed values
like pluralism, concept like popular sovereignty and representative government
because of the different styles of the colonial rule and the different type of
prevailing political culture in the mother country. ‘Long monarchial and colonial
rule shaped in large part Muslim political consciousness and caused Muslim
societies to evolve in the opposite direction __ toward the loss of individual
autonomy and total submission to the community and the state. ‘Pakistan’s
political culture was naturally a strong product of its past, including its
people’s earlier history under the British Raj’.
Nation’s
return therefore to military rule time and again was natural ‘Nation-states are
the inevitable result of collapsed empires. Nation-states were spawned in the
popular revolutions that challenged and defeated aristocratic and alien rule.
Nation-states are vehicles or the realization of mass politics.
Self-government, the inherent right of a citizenry to choose its leaders, to
demand their accountability, and to establish the limits of their prerogatives,
lies at the heart of the process defined as constitutionalism. But becoming a
nation- state and being a nation state are not similar occurrences. How then is
one to think of Pakistan as nation-state? Pakistan was removed from the womb of
one of the most successful imperial system in human experience, but it began
its life in an ambience totally out of phase with its incubation. Born from an
imperial mother, Pakistan was not genetically structured for the world of
republics and federations that dominated the thinking of the post-world War II
era. A clone of a yet untested species, its surrogate birth provided little if
any nurturing, and virtually no guidance. Given existence as a nation-state,
Pakistan was, from the beginning, the antithesis of such expression. The
embryonic origins of the new entity were rooted in Islamic tradition and the
country never escaped the legacy of its colonial past. Had Pakistan chosen
monarchy instead of the inclusive nation-state, it would have been a more
appropriate choice. Had the predominantly Muslim nation chosen theocracy in
fashioning its political system that too would have been more in keeping with
the nation’s exclusive self-image, The Muslim League leaders, however, the
persons most responsible for the creation of Pakistan, rejected the distant as
well as the most recent past for democracy……….but neither Jinnah nor any of his
imminent circle was moved to lay out on paper the blue print for the state they
intended to create….Jinnah opted for the more familiar colonial system,
Pakistan was rush to judgment’
PHASE FROM 1947 TO 1970
‘Muslim League was
formed to spearhead the struggle to form the Muslim majority state, not to run it, and further to make matter worse
it had almost no support in the area that constituted Pakistan; therefore, the
legal authority was conferred upon those
who were not, and had never been, rulers. Because they were made the recipients
of the legitimate symbols of power did not mean their legitimacy superseded
that of long-established local authorities. Kinship, tribal, filial, and landed
interests wove the fabric of traditional leadership and governance in the
different regions of western Pakistan’.
Even Muslim league
had will, it had no clout and those had clout definitely they had no will to
bring about democratization to replace traditional arrangement of power. Unwillingness
of the successors of Jinnah to establish democratic norms and institutions was
due to little popular pressure against a system that offered scant opportunity
to effect representative government respectful of majority rule. Willingness of
ordinary citizens to be off the politics and determination of rulers to do so
was the part of historical continuum as Ayub Khan drew on colonial history to
justified his limited representative system designed to keep ordinary citizens
out of politics by ‘claiming that because the Muslim in the subcontinent had
historically never known real sovereignty, they would take long as Pakistani to
adjust psychology to their new born freedoms.
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